Opinion
Appraising Kingship In Ndoni (11)
For instance, the Aboh and Ndoni ancient towns were
first founded by the Igbo-speaking elements from Nri or Awka zone. For Aboh, they were the Akala or Akalai party whose eponymous ancestor was Ogidi who magically invoked down an imposing rock (salvivic water deity) that aided his party to cross the Niger from Isala axis, a reason why the ancestors of Akili never drowned in the river. In Ndoni, they were the Obonya elements, whose ancestor was Awka, father of Aguukwu to Ezenwocha and Anyaogwu. Both Ogidi and the Awka were reputed to have arrived at the banks of the lower Niger about the 10th century or before. History has it that the Onya siblings among the Akalai elements moved downstream and founded the Onya town before Aboh conquered the Akalai people and dispersed them into founding the Akalai Obodo, Akalai-etiti, Akili Ogidi and Akili-Ozizor area of Ogbaru – spreading to Delta and Anambra States. Among the Onya siblings, are those in Onikwu, Atani, Engeni, Okpai and Onuabor, etc. As the Igwe culture follows them along, it is wrong to relate the aborigines of this group to Benin without any linguistic and cultural evidences. The name “Akalai or Akili” originated from “akala” or tattoo-marked ichi faces of the ancient Igbo elements at Aboh axis. The word “akala” got corrupted to Akalai, Akarai or Akili with time, movement and linguistic associations of stranger elements in the midst of the people at various locations. Indeed, Ndoni axis was the focal point for the crossing of the then narrow Niger to the Aboh complex by the first Igbo immigrants that enculturated the Aboh-Benin elements with Igbo language. It was as a result of this language that King Boy of Brass in the 18th century, described the Obi Ossai of Aboh as the king of Ibos during the slave trade. Moreso, from Ndoni axis, the group noted as Aguukwu descent moved to found the Odugili town near Ndoni in the 16th century. Historical trend also proved that a descent group noted as uchi elements (umu-nshi or Umu-nri) also came from Nri, crossing the Niger from Ossomala axis to settle in the west bank, which a fractional group (Umu-uchi or Umu-nri) still settled in Ossomala and Odekpe towns first before the Igala immigrants arrived around the 16th century A. D.
For the fact that “Ndoni town” is a place of larger population and wider recognition in the district/area, the name is used to benchmark other smaller neighboring communities in Ndoni District as in Rivers State, hence the former Midwestern state of Nigeria named the district “Ndoni Area” and also called it “A special Area”, meaning (a district across the Niger with petroleum, gas and other natural resources). Ndoni area by 1976 became a district Headquarters administratively headed by an Assistant Divisional Officer (ADO). Despite the fact that the present Councils do not take proper care of the area, it is still one of the Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni or ONELGA outpost headquarters under the surveillance of the Awoh of Ndoni.
According to the Oxford Advanced Learner’s English Dictionary by A. S. Hornby, “Revolution is any attempt to change a system of government, especially by force. It is also defined as any attempt to change any system or condition. Does the traditional coronation ceremony of 23rd November, 2013 represent a systematic subversion of the power of the Awoh or a revolution of the system of kingship in Ndoni District? Either of these may be saturated with sedition, anarchy and cultural hopelessness. In pursuit of the anthropological history of Ndoni Kingdom, the Igwe title of the extinct, ancient and acephalous Obonyan society of the early Igbo stock, was a gerontocratic patriarch (not king) of Obonya, who after the political and military conquest of the Obonya by the Ndoni royal stock in the 15th century, became the title of the Eze –Agana Juju priest, below the Awoh in the entire Ndoni Kingdom, as established by the first Igwe Ezenwocha in the 17th century, just the same way as the Igwe title became of the Onikwu patriarch leader and priest of the Onite (Iguana) deity till date. How then can anybody in Ndoni Kingdom per se, take this priestly title as kingship? At least the Ndoni historians should be consulted before this arrangements; even though kingship in Ndoni must follow the ancestral divine right as all dictionaries of politics cover.
The reigning Awoh kingship in Ndoni kingdom originated with Omeke aborigines of Ndoni who migrated from Benin City through the modern-day Bayelsa State in the 15th Century. The kingship did not originate from Onikwu village either. The title of Igwe Akkah, however, has no cultural empiricism that can be traced back to the past as any existed kingship in the entire Ndoni Kingdom. It only represents ethnical degradation in Ndoni culture, if it sustains.
As for the personality of Chief Victor Odili, he is a figure to reckon with as far as the socio-political history of Ndoni Town and the entire Ndoni area is concerned. However, my contention is that the Awoh of Ndoni kingdom, who is already recognised and coupled with the famous standard of Ndoni in Rivers state and Nigeria, should have been the rightful king to bestow whatever title to him in order to legitimize it, given the ancientness and royalty of Ndoni Kingship, socio-political achievements and personalities that have so far risen from such a kingdom Akwe-Obodo is yet a patriarchal chiefdom, not a kingdom. How can an elder from a non-royal family of a chiefdom crown a person in an existing royal kingdom or is it a cultural bastardization and desecration that may sound ridiculous in history? As an Ndoni anthropologist and historian, I remember that on 14 June, 2006, I interviewed HRH Dr. Gabriel Okeya Obi X, Awoh of Ndoni about the recognition of other Ndoni district traditional rulers, which he said he had advised them to install their rulers and introduce to him, the Awoh, for confirmation.
As for the right whatsoever to raise any assistant ruler of Ndoni District, it is the place of the Awoh or for any urgent need, the Okpala-ukwu (odua) of Ndoni to do so. If the Odua does it, the Awoh confirms it on the throne later. The Oldest man in Ndoni district outside the royalty cannot be determined from the blues by political and egoistic randomization engendered by a revolutionary intent. This is because it is an extreme view to canvass for social horizontalism (non-hierarchy), in any African society. The oldest man in Ndoni district outside the royalty cannot be determined by Oracle or by skin wrinkles any longer, but by the early intellectual exposure of the Ndoni district people
Two days after the interment or enthronement of the king, Mmanwu may be invited later for benediction and spiritual biography of the king. The Mmanwu amidst prayers for long life of the king recounts the Mmanwu anthem which is “Igo Ofor and goes away after one (1) hour. For the king’s invitation of the Mmanwu, cows and fees for logistics are heavily sponsored, depending on the number of Mmanwu bands invited. Any other reason for inviting sacred Mmanwu to enthronement feat amounts to cultural cynicism against the traditional statusquo, otherwise it is unnecessary.
From the view point of a writer and social commentator, the only way the Ndoni people may not be sniggered for vested interest and opportunism is to come together, close ranks and arrange things traditionally and conventionally for the world not to see this trend as a dynastic revolution and expediency, arising from a cross-sectional intransigence of some elements.
Concluded.
Ikwuazom is an Ndoni historian and anthropologist.
Charles Ikwuazom
Opinion
Rivers Politics: Lere Olayinka’s Cocktail Of Lies
In a calculated attempt to tarnish the reputation of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Lere Olayinka, the self-styled Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and Social Media to FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, stormed News Central TV with a cocktail of lies, half-truths and unfortunate distortions. This desperate smear campaign demands a bold response to expose the true mastermind behind the political turbulence rocking Rivers State. Olayinka harped on the current situation of the Rivers State House of Assembly, highlighting the presence of only three (3) active members. Yet, he conveniently glossed over the real story of Martin Amaewhule and his co-defectors who cowardly abandoned their constituencies and their mandates by defecting to the APC without due consultation. These former legislators, by law, automatically vacated their seats, but Olayinka lacks the courage to admit this truth.
When asked about Wike’s involvement in Rivers State’s political turmoil, Olayinka could not deny the undeniable. Wike is not only a major player in this crisis but also its architect. His meddlesome tendencies and attempts to control the state from Abuja have been met with stiff resistance from Rivers people who are fed-up with his overreach. Olayinka’s claim that Wike elevated Governor Fubara from “a mere cashier” to governor reeks of pettiness. It is an insult to Fubara’s track record of service and to the Rivers people who overwhelmingly voted for him. The truth is, Governor Fubara was instrumental to any success Wike claims during his time as governor, especially in financial prudence and project execution, Olayinka can challenge me to a debate if in doubt. Mr. Olayinka falsely accused Governor Fubara of disobeying President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
The irony, however, is glaring. The real defiance came from those who President Tinubu called his “newborn babies,” only to disown him days later. Aside the impeachment attempt, Wike’s ill-advised push for these individuals to defect to the APC is at the root of the political mess they currently face. Olayinka’s admission that Fubara is the governor and wields the “red biro” underscores one truth: Governor Siminalayi Fubara is in Charge. While his employer may attempt to pull the strings of discord, Rivers people have declared unequivocally that the era of external interference is over. Sir Fubara is taking bold steps to restore dignity and prioritise the state’s interests. Also, Olayinka’s attempt to draw parallels between Rivers State and Kogi State only highlights his lack of understanding of Rivers politics. Rivers people are not Kogi people.
They will not accept a situation where commissioners or key appointments are dictated from only one man, as Wike attempted to do. Rivers people have spoken, and their stance is non-negotiable. Olayinka’s laughable claim that Governor Fubara is dining with those who opposed his emergence shows a lack of political depth. Almost everyone standing with Wike today—including Magnus Abe and Chidi Lloyd—at one time opposed his own governorship bid. Politics evolves and alliances shift. Governor Fubara is focused on governance, not on petty vendettas. Assuming, without conceding, that Governor Fubara did not address Rivers people during the campaign, the blame lies squarely on Wike, who perhaps never allowed him to speak. He almost succeeded in extending this overbearing tendencies into the governance of the state, but Rivers people are saying “No” to this meddlesome interference.
The glaring contradictions in Olayinka’s rhetoric can tell you why Fayose failed woefully in Ekiti State despite all his noise. Just like his principal, Olayinka has mastered the art of bluster without substance. When pressed on what Wike wants from Governor Fubara that he is not getting, Olayinka could not provide an answer. The truth is simple: Wike desires absolute control, but Governor Fubara and Rivers people have drawn the line. Olayinka’s interview on News Central TV was nothing but a desperate attempt to deflect attention from Wike’s political blunders and meddlesome tendencies. The records are clear: Governor Fubara is focused on the interests of Rivers people, while Wike and his cronies remain trapped in a web of personal ambition. The good news is that Rivers people know the truth. Governor Fubara is acting decisively and Rivers State is moving forward under his leadership. No amount of propaganda or falsehoods can change this fact.
John Martins
Martins wrote in from Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Fubara @ 50: Golden Sparkles And Magic Bullet
Men and women of goodwill are celebrating remarkable milestones in the life of Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara. He turned 50 on January 28, 2025. His unwavering dedication, focus on excellence, effective advocacy beyond a single-focus “magic bullet” to governance with integrated approach that recognises multiple interrelated drivers of governance change, truly inspire the people. Rivers State is the second largest economy in Nigeria. It is hub of oil and the gas industry, and remains a major contributor to the country’s wealth. It is over such strong, powerful and strategical state, Governor Fubara superintends. At 50 years, he is gold sparkles and in a season of exhilarating jubilee. In 2024, his administration hosted investment summits. Manifest results now show inflow of multiplicity of foreign investments. Strategic partnership festers and the growth of Rivers economy is sustained. Investors enjoy tax moratoriums and land title issuance.
Jollification drumbeats are intense. Fulsome sound. Overreached with symphonic echoes. Scintillated strumming. The strings. Stroke of dexterity and bellowing melody, all so enthralling. Whether in Rivers or elsewhere in Nigeria, you will wriggle waists, do joyful handclaps or leap with hope-filled heart. Feet will do the hopping. There is comforting peace. The glean. A bland. Emphatically, Rivers people bare their hearts of gratitude to God. He enthroned Governor Fubara at at an auspicious time. The people are better off today than ever. The brutish political crisis erupted like a thief at night but was hushed by a watchful watchman. Because it is contained, the people are happier. More 3,066 persons got empowered with N3.6 billion loan facility on a single-digit interest rate of 7.5per cent per annum. It was made possible by a partnership between Rivers government and Bank of Industry (BOI). It offers support to small businesses, drives economic growth, promotes job creation and wealth generation efforts. Ultimately, it is to improve the standard of living of the citizens.
Happier citizenry. Civil and public servants got statutory promotion with consequential salary paid after being stagnated on a grade level for over a decade. In December 2023 and 2024, Christmas bonuses of N100,000 apiece, was paid to each worker, a gesture also extended to retirees. Governor Fubara is a leader with a pure human and godly heart. He had not confronted political violence with violence. No shade of political witch-hunting. No arrest on trumped-up charges. No politically motivated assassinations witnessed. The most insulted by political opponents. His reliance on God is legendary in a wild field of conscienceless political maneuverings, spewing of contradictory lies, threaded thickets of threats, mounted conspiracies to truncate governance and levels of insistence to cause stampede that intend to force a surrendering of the will of the people. All, came to nought. They have become like the mountains before Zerubbabel melting into wax.
What is seen is not indentured servitude. Governor Fubara stands in the gates firmly, defusing violet plots against the mandate of Rivers people. Steadied governance, ensured protection of life and property in a peaceful State. There is messianic balm, sufficiently applied to offer a soothing to frightened hearts, and calmed troubled nerves. Of course, nobody with a decent grasp of the complexity and deep-rooted nature of the crisis will believe that it will be resolved so easily. But you will need to know this also. Governor Fubara was born on a Tuesday in Opobo Town and bears unique traits of people born on Tuesday. Of note is his persistence on chosen course, strives with conviction and wholeheartedly drives on until desirable success is achieved. He is solidly courageous, shares no tent with fear because he must take the risks required to reaching his goals, which is why he faces the challenges head-on.
He is calm though, but makes no mistake about his dogged fighting spirit, calculative and straightforward spirit that wins squarely, and fairly. Four critical priority areas are at focus; healthcare, education, agriculture and road infrastructure development. He must win too, in truly empowering the people to attain quality living. In improving public sector education, the investment is holistic, almost equal attention given to basic education, post-primary education and tertiary education. Personnel, not less than 1000 apiece, are employed into universal basic education and post-primary levels. Staff recruitment done at Ignatius Ajuru University of Education and at Captain Elechi Amadi Polytechnic. A new Rivers State College of Education is in the offing plus 3000 more teachers to be recruited to improve the teacher: learners’ ratio.
Modern learning infrastructure and essential instructional materials are distributed to nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools in the 23 local government areas, which included Teachers’ notebooks, smart-board pens, dusters and marker pens, writing pens, textbooks covering all subjects, Phonetics textbooks, varieties of storybooks, records and diaries for junior secondary schools, school attendance registers. The health sector has received historic investments. 25 general hospitals have capacity strengthened to provide regular, quality healthcare. More health facilities like four zonal hospitals in Bori, Ahoada, Degema, and Omoku towns in four local government areas being remodelled, expanded and upgraded. A modern psychiatric hospital is nearing completion and will be equipped to provide dedicated neuro-psychiatric services. Already, 1,000 personnel are employed by the Rivers State Health Management Board while another 1,000 are engaged by the Rivers State University Teaching Hospital (RSUTH). This will bridge manpower gap.
There is a comprehensive agriculture transformation support programme pursued with the N31 billion allocated in 2025 budget to achieve food security, enhance job creation and facilitate economic growth. Some legacy road projects included the 15.6 km Port Harcourt Ring road and 12.5km Trans-Kalabari Highway Road. These critical infrastructure consolidate development efforts. Truly, at 50, Governor Fubara will have moments for deep reflection and be genuinely propelled to express gratitude to God for divine benevolence. He stands between dreams and aspirations, some achieved, others yet pursued. What is more, in these 50 years, he has given it his all, and still eager to grasp opportunities to live to fullest while delivering more quality service to the state, country and humanity.
Tamunobarabi Ibulubo
Ibulubo is of the Rivers State Television (RSTV), Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Nigeria’s Electricity Sector: Need For Restructuring
In mid October, 2024, our national electricity grid suffered three collapses just within a week, throwing many states of Nigeria in total blackouts. Right from independence, Nigeria has always set agendas for attaining steady electricity, but ends up failing to achieve that noble objective. The perennial challenge of providing reliable electricity across Nigeria is however no puzzle beyond humans, yet the sector remains backward, notwithstanding series of reforms and public expenditures. But at the centre of the failures from all past reforms, is a common factor – the reluctance by government, whether deliberate or inadvertent, to extricate itself from the operational lines of the business. The presence of Nigerian government in any business process, especially where it monopolistically occupies vital operational linkage, has proven to create bottlenecks that stifle efficiencies, and defeat the overall objectives.
This was evident in the telecommunications sector, as it is in the petroleum and power sectors. Take for instance, the current policy framework that overshadowes electricity business across Nigeria, where in the name of privatisation, government deliberately butchered off, and separately sold vital organs of the national electricity industry, in an arrangement where the generating companies (GenCos) do not have licences to transmit and distribute generated power, and distribution companies (DisCos) have no licences to produce the sole commodity they sell, while the federal government through the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), monopolistically retains transmission trades between GenCos and DisCos.The insertion of TCN between the private businesses of power generation and distribution, destroys benefits derivable from privatising electricity productions in Nigeria.
With the GenCos and DisCos answerable to the separate managements while the TCN reports to the Federal Ministry of Power, Works and Housing, it is obvious that the unbreakable chain of commands needed for seamless business operations was designed for disarray. Besides, government also solely holds the stakes in gas supplies needed for much of Nigeria’s 16,384 MegaWatts installed capacity. Due to inadequacy of gas supplies, the GenCos produce about 8,415MW, out of which, due to TCN’s inefficiency, only about 4,000MW get to DisCos. However, among the three loosely bound entities in Nigeria’s unholy marriage of electricity production, the GenCos appear more upbeat at investing for increased capacity but are dragged by delivery challenges from the TCN on the one hand, and poor revenue returns from the DisCos, on the other.
The failure of TCN to deploy modern surveillance and field data acquisition technologies to maintain network reliability, has left its facilities prone to vandalism. It does not encourage GenCos who take the major production risks that they can not deal directly with consumers. In the prevailing situation in which DisCos, being closest to power consumers harvest the collective revenue, the opaque nature of that crucial assignment as currently being conducted, gives room for under-reporting.The electricity business like any other, should project transparent prospects of profits to inspire undertakings in investment risks, and it is only operational frameworks that assure investors of end-to-end process integrity that can encourage the deployment of total commitments. Discos’ obvious reluctance at metering, nor upgrading distribution facilities for efficiency, gives no incentives to GenCos to increase investments in power generation.
It does not also help that TCN’s Market Operations (MO) department passes revenue trickles from DisCos, unto GenCos without enforcing collection transparency on the former. Most of Nigeria’s electricity transmission network infrastructure were installed more than 50 years ago. Since inheriting the transmission assets in the 2005 privatisation, and further restructuring in 2013, TCN’s Transmission Service Provider (TSP) department which is responsible for grid construction and maintenance has not done much to expand network capacity in readiness for increased generation. Neither has its System Operations (SO) department, responsible for stabilising operations, upgraded its frequency management and switching capabilities, but still relies on manual switching instead of investing in Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) systems that respond swiftly to changing grid frequencies.
It was not surprising therefore that a usual process fluctuation that came from uploading increased power generation into the national grid had overwhelmed SO’s manual switching capability, leading to the grid collapse of October, although Minster of Power alluded to the fact that the inability of TCN’s aged infrastructure to absorb extra power caused explosions at Jebba sub-station, leading to instabilities that collapsed the grid. Which ever be the case, the buck stops at the TCN, and by extension at government. One may then question the benefits derivable from contracts signed by the Buhari administration with Siemens of Germany in 2019. System automation is undeniably the core expertise of Siemens, and the deployment of the company’s switches would have handled grid fluctuations to prevent any collapse. Despite the huge budget allocations that go into the ministry of power, it is obvious that government processes – encumbered by bureaucracy, politics, paucity of funds and lack of business savvy – is entangling TCN’s abilities at keeping pace with its private partners.
So why should government create such a clog in the wheels of progress? Moreso, it has never been known that government declared financial profits from its years of investments in the power sector, nor are the social benefits apparent. Rather than hold unto an asset that continuously drains scarce finances at no benefits, while creating bottlenecks to processes, government should completely hands-off the industry, focus on its regulatory roles, and draw tax accruals. According to estimates by the World Bank, the failure of reliable power supplies in Nigeria costs yearly losses of $29 billion to companies who had to produce their own power, and is a major reason most companies close down in the country, or have migrated elsewhere, despite our human resource potentials and Nigeria being a huge market. The current Nigeria Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) structure, in which government-owned TCN is sandwiched between disunited GenCos and DisCos, is causing conflict of interests, unsustainable and ensures a tie of stagnation.
The electricity production framework should be restructured, even if it means partitioning the national grid, into a form that gives power companies combined and seamless abilities to generate, transmit and distribute power directly to their consumers, as being experimented by the Geometric Group in Aba.
Joseph Nwankwor
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