Politics
Women, Party Politics And Elective Positions (2)
This is the second edition of Barrister Nkechi Ugboaja’s paper at a workshop in Port Harcourt. The first part of this paper was published on Monday, March 15, 2010.
Of the three arms of government, to-wit, the executive, the legislature and the judiciary only the first two are provided to be filled under a democratic government by election while the last is by appointment by the first i.e. the executive. Thus elective positions in Nigeria of today are the executive and legislative arms of government running through the 774 Local Government Areas, 36 states and Abuja and the Government of the Federation of Nigeria. Instructively, these elective positions are to be contested for by individuals under the structure and ambit of political parties.
Thus, it may be proper to say that party politics and elective positions are partners in the wheels of safe and efficient democratic Government. They strongly have a linkage with one another. We may note that political parties began in Nigeria with the introduction of “elective principles” under the Sir Clifford constitution of 1922 it was the said elective principles theory in 1922 that gave birth to Herbert Macaulay’s Nigeria National Democratic Party (NNDP), which contested and won all three seats allocated to Lagos in the 1922 legislative council election. This is only to demonstrate the inter play of political parties and elective positions. Thus party politics relates to the intrigues in party administration and choice of parties electoral candidates and positions.
Curiously, we have laboured to find any iota of justification for the perceived discrimination against women in party politics and elective positions in Nigeria but none could be found, at least, from the legal or constitutional point of view. We then ask, are women actually excluded or discriminated against in party politics and elective positions? Is the issue of gender bias a product of women’s sins of omission? Are cultural disabilities still affecting women in this millennium? Or are there socio-cultural than legal impediments necessitating the enquiry as to whether women can cope in party politics and elective positions in Nigeria? Is party politics chaotic and dirty as a game? Of a fact, there may be intrigues, manoeuvering, blackmail, slander, gangsterism in party politics, but is it enough to scare women?
The topic of our discussion again recognises the dominance and full participation of men as overlords in party politics and electoral conquests in Nigeria. Why now the quest for women involvement, one may want to ask.
It is a notable fact of history that in our traditional societies, women were rarely able to hold political office because they were considered too weak and emotional to exercise responsible leadership positions. Women in many of our societies have no right of audience at the village square where it is the prerogative of the men to speak, decide and legislate on issues that concern women. Nor are women entitled to any form of inheritance at the death of their spouses. More still such women are thrown into penury after being subjected to all sorts of traditional indignities like shaving of heads, drinking of the water with which the corpse of their dead spouse has been washed.
However, the exploits of Queen Amina of Zaria and Oba Orompo of the old Oyo kingdom in the 16th Century clearly demonstrate that it was not totally unheard of for women to assume great political power or influence in more elaborate and centralised states. A Unicef situation Assessment and Analysis 2001 reports that when the British colonial administration extended the hitherto highly restricted franchise to southern Nigeria in 1954, women as well as men were given the right to vote and to be voted for.
Even at that the participation of women in politics in the Southern Nigeria was largely limited to the mobilisation of supporters. Yet it was patriarchal attitudes that limited womens effective participation in party political leadership. While the likes of Chief Mrs Margreth Ekpo and Chief Mrs Fumilayo Ransom Kuti were celebrated in the Southern part of the country, the women in the Northern Nigeria were ostensibly excluded from political and electoral participation until well after Independence in 1960.
A few women like Hajia Gambo Sawaba and Ladi Shehu who defied cultural prejudices and distinguished themselves as prominent members of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) however paid dearly for their struggle for womens political rights. It could be remembered that Hajia Gambo Sawaba was expelled from Kano and flogged at Zaria, sentenced and imprisoned frequently for seventeen (17) times during the first Nigerian Republic. It was not until 1976 that women were finally allowed in the Northern states to fully take part in political processes through a military decree of that year.
Ever since, the agitation for women participation in political activities have remained the local and international campaign by many organizations, Non Governmental Organisations and even Government sponsored Organisations. I remember on this, this, the exploits of late Hajia Maryam Babangida who transformed the hitherto obscure and ceremonial role of the First Lady of Nigeria into a “store house of knowledge and intelligence gathering for the development of complementary public policy and programmes in the work of the presidency.” Mrs Babangida assembled a core of highly public spirited ladies to begin to build the institution of the first lady of the country. With the Better Life for Rural Women (BLP), she engineered and provided tremendous support base and architecture for the mobilisation of women for political participation.
The successive Family Support Programme and the Family Economic Advancement Programmes of Mrs Mariam Abacha and Fatai Abdusalami respectively equally assisted in the sensitisation of the political participation of women. These campaigns paid off in the general election that ushered in the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency of 1999 though a title percentage of women still got elected into the National Assembly and state Houses of Assembly. Apart from patriarchal attitudes, we are strongly of the opinion that political and electoral violence tend heavily to prevail upon women to shy away from active political participation.
These acts of violence always come by way of politically sponsored executions, assassinations, beating, arson, election rigging, intimidation, political harassment with all sorts of weapons, snatching of ballot boxes and election materials at gun point etc. In return, violent activities produce very devastating and harmful effect on the generality of the people. Evil, it is said, begets evil.
The bye-products of political and electoral violence produces the emergence of god fatherism; proliferation of arms before and after electoral battles, lack of reputable, respectable and credible politicians, debasement and indoctrination of youths who are supposed leaders of tomorrow into the cult of violent and militant activities, increase in armed robbery, armed struggle, kidnapping for ransom and all other manner of extortions and criminal behaviours.
It is equally political and electoral violence that has continued to visit this country with economic instability, political apathy by both men and women of goodwill, death of incorruptible loved ones and, more importantly, retards heavily the speed of growth, spread and development of democracy. It further destroys internal party democracy and unfortunately creates a state of fear and near anarchy in the system.
Nkechi Yvonne Ugboaja
Politics
Senate Defends Passage Of State Police Bill
The Senate has defended the passage of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, saying the proposed creation of state police is driven by national consensus and the country’s security needs rather than political considerations.
The Red Chamber passed the bill last Wednesday after more than two-thirds of senators voted in support.
In a statement issued yesterday by the Directorate of Media and Public Affairs, Office of the Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele described the bill as “a child of necessity and not of political expediency as well as a product of national consensus and not of cynicism.”
The senate leader said the proposal to establish state police was a matter of urgent public importance that could not be delayed because of political interests, given the country’s security challenges.
He explained that the proposal did not originate recently but emerged from memoranda submitted to the Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution.
According to him, the proposal underwent extensive consultations and rigorous scrutiny because of its sensitive nature.
Bamidele said the National Assembly consulted widely with the Executive, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria, the leadership of the Nigeria Police and other stakeholders before passing the bill.
He added that during the public hearings conducted across the six geopolitical zones in July 2025, participants overwhelmingly supported the creation of state police.
“At each level of our consultation, nearly all stakeholders embraced the State Police Bill in the light of stark realities we are facing today,” he said.
The Senate leader noted that recommendations from the Nigeria Police contributed to the bill, particularly on accountability and oversight mechanisms aimed at preventing abuse of state police by political actors.
According to him, the police’s support for the proposal underscores its national significance in tackling insecurity at the state and local levels.
Bamidele also said the bill received broad bipartisan backing in both chambers of the National Assembly.
“Even though the APC is the majority, there are members of opposition parties — PDP, ADC, NDC and Labour Party — that exercised their discretion in favour of the Bill, mainly in the national interest and not on parochial basis.
“In the Senate, for instance, 84 out of 109 members voted clause by clause in support of the Bill. This accounted for 77.06 per cent approval at the Senate alone,” he said.
He argued that national security should transcend political affiliations, saying political actors in other countries often set aside partisan interests to support initiatives that strengthen security.
Bamidele called on opposition parties to contribute constructive ideas that would promote peace and stability, adding that they have a responsibility to offer alternatives that would strengthen the country.
“Even when they disagree on some grounds, they are under obligations to provide credible and useful ideas that can make our nation better and greater. Unfortunately, they have not passed this critical test of opposition democracy,” he said.
News
Probe N6.3bn Constituency Funds Or Face Legal Action, SERAP Tells Akpabio, Abbas
The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has called on Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, to refer allegations of the diversion or non-accounting of over ?6.3 billion in constituency project funds to anti-corruption agencies for investigation and possible prosecution.
The group also urged the National Assembly leadership to ensure that anyone found culpable is prosecuted where sufficient admissible evidence exists, while all diverted or unaccounted public funds are recovered and paid into the treasury.
In a letter dated June 27, 2026, and signed by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, SERAP said the allegations were contained in the Auditor-General of the Federation’s 2022 Annual Report, published on September 9, 2025.
The organisation disclosed this in a statement signed and released by Oluwadare, yesterday.
SERAP also asked Akpabio and Abbas to disclose the identities of contractors and companies, including their shareholders and beneficial owners, that allegedly received constituency project funds but failed to execute the projects.
It gave the National Assembly seven days to act on its recommendations, warning that it would institute legal proceedings should the legislature fail to respond.
“We would be grateful if the recommended measures are taken within seven days of the receipt and/or publication of this letter. If we have not heard from you by then, SERAP shall take all appropriate legal actions to compel you and the National Assembly to comply with our request in the public interest,” the letter stated.
It said, “The allegations involve several federal ministries, departments and agencies, including the Environmental Health Registration Council of Nigeria (EHORECON); the Federal College of Animal Health and Production Technology, Volm; the Federal Polytechnic, Udana; the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP); and the National Institute of Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS).
“The Auditor-General identified numerous cases of payments into private bank accounts, contracts awarded without due process, payments for contracts not executed or services not rendered, undocumented expenditures, inflated contracts, procurement irregularities and failures to account for public funds, recommending in each case that the funds be recovered and remitted to the treasury.
“According to the 2022 audited report, contained in pages 367 to 396, the Environmental Health Registration Council of Nigeria (EHORECON or Council) Abuja paid over ‘N22 million [N22,944,565.16] into the private account of some members of staff of the Council from the Constituency Projects Fund Account.
“There ‘was no evidence of the utilization of the funds and no explanations on the purpose for the payment of such amount into the individual accounts.”
SERAP added, “The Council (EHORECON) also in 2021 ‘awarded suspicious consultancy contracts of over N12 million [N12,030,818.29] for the development of Modern Abattoirs in Kebbi State and the supervision of 7 projects in Kebbi, Jigawa, and Headquarters Abuja.
“The money was to ‘produce bills of quantity, architectural design, structural design, mechanical design, and electrical designs for the contracts and supervision.’ But ‘the ‘items could not be found.’”
Altogether, SERAP said the Auditor-General’s 2022 report alleged EHORECON paid more than ?1.8 billion in constituency project funds through questionable transactions.
For the Federal College of Animal Health and Production Technology, Vom, SERAP said the institution “in 2022 reportedly ‘paid over N279 million [N279,700,500.00] to 3 contractors to empower and train youths in selected vocational areas in Borgu and Kontagora, Niger State, train women and youths in entrepreneurship in Niger East Senatorial District and to train youths and women in agro production and self-reliance in Barki Ladi/Riyom Federal Constituency, Plateau State.
“But the money was paid to the contractors without any document.’”
Other irregularities involving the college include another ?279.7 million in mobilisation fees allegedly paid without documentation, and more than ?629.4 million paid to unqualified contractors for various constituency projects without evidence of due process, contract advertisements or details of the contractors.
SERAP further alleged that the Auditor-General’s report identified multiple financial irregularities involving the Federal Polytechnic, Ukana, Akwa Ibom State, including over ?407 million allegedly paid as mobilisation fees without supporting documents, more than ?399 million paid to unqualified contractors, contracts allegedly inflated by over ?192 million, over ?279 million paid for projects not fully executed, ?50 million allegedly paid for an unexecuted borehole project, and more than ?83 million disbursed without the required documentation or approvals.
It also alleged that NAPTIP reportedly irregularly awarded contracts worth over ?21.8 million, paid more than ?176.8 million for logistics and consultancy services without supporting documents, and disbursed over ?89.6 million and ?4.4 million for projects that were allegedly not executed.
The report also alleged that NILDS failed to submit audited financial statements for 2012 to 2022, did not remit over ?15 million in stamp duties, and spent ?1.6 million without authorisation from the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation.
SERAP said the report recommended the recovery of the affected funds and their remittance to the treasury.
It argued that corruption in constituency projects disproportionately affects poor and vulnerable Nigerians by diverting resources meant for public services and development.
It added that the National Assembly, in exercising its oversight responsibilities, should demonstrate leadership by ensuring accountability in the management of constituency project funds.
The organisation further argued that the allegations, if established, would amount to breaches of the Constitution, the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007 and the Public Procurement Act 2007, which require transparency, accountability and due process in the management of public resources.
Politics
Parties’ Deregistration: How Justice Lifu Overruled Appeal Court Justices
Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja on Monday brushed aside the order of the Court of Appeal in Abuja which ordered him to stay proceedings in a suit that sought deregistration of the African Democratic Party (ADC), Accord Party and three others.
The Court of Appeal in a unanimous decision of a panel of three Justices had on May 22, 2026 directed the Federal High Court Judge not to proceed with the suit until an appeal pending before them and filed by Accord Party is resolved.
In a Certified True Copy Enrol Order of the Superior Court, Justices Mohammed Danjuma, Adebukola Banjoko and Oyejoju Oyewumi asked the lower Court Judge to stay proceedings until all issues on the appeal filed by the Accord Party were resolved
Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State had, through the Accord Party, applied to justice Lifu to join him as a defendant in the deregistration legal battle instituted by a group of former legislators.
The contention of the Osun State governor was that he had a stake in the Accord Party, being the platform he was seeking re-election in the August 15 gubernatorial poll in the state.
In his ruling, Justice Lifu on April 27 ruled against the Osun State governor, rejecting his request to be joined in the suit to defend his own position and interest.
Not satisfied with the Federal High Court decision, the Osun State governor, through his lawyer, Musibau Adetunbi (SAN), moved to the Court of Appeal in Abuja where he challenged the Justice Lifu decision to refuse to allow him join the suit.
After listening to the argument canvassed, especially that he has interest to protect as Accord Party gubernatorial candidate for Osun State governorship election, the three Justices of the Court of Appeal, unanimously directed Justice Lifu to allow them look into the grievances of the governor.
In specific terms, the Court of Appeal Justices directed Justice Lifu not to proceed further with the matter and fixed October 27 to determine the interlocutory appeal of the appellant.
However, when the certified enroll order and notice of appeal were served on Justice Peter Lifu by Mr Adetunbi (SAN), the judge rejected it on the ground that it was a ploy to arrest his judgment in the matter.
Although the judge had adjourned his judgment delivery in the matter indefinitely, he finally made a dramatic turn around on Monday and proceeded to deliver the judgment that has now proscribed the five political parties.
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