Politics
Women, Party Politics And Elective Positions (2)
This is the second edition of Barrister Nkechi Ugboaja’s paper at a workshop in Port Harcourt. The first part of this paper was published on Monday, March 15, 2010.
Of the three arms of government, to-wit, the executive, the legislature and the judiciary only the first two are provided to be filled under a democratic government by election while the last is by appointment by the first i.e. the executive. Thus elective positions in Nigeria of today are the executive and legislative arms of government running through the 774 Local Government Areas, 36 states and Abuja and the Government of the Federation of Nigeria. Instructively, these elective positions are to be contested for by individuals under the structure and ambit of political parties.
Thus, it may be proper to say that party politics and elective positions are partners in the wheels of safe and efficient democratic Government. They strongly have a linkage with one another. We may note that political parties began in Nigeria with the introduction of “elective principles” under the Sir Clifford constitution of 1922 it was the said elective principles theory in 1922 that gave birth to Herbert Macaulay’s Nigeria National Democratic Party (NNDP), which contested and won all three seats allocated to Lagos in the 1922 legislative council election. This is only to demonstrate the inter play of political parties and elective positions. Thus party politics relates to the intrigues in party administration and choice of parties electoral candidates and positions.
Curiously, we have laboured to find any iota of justification for the perceived discrimination against women in party politics and elective positions in Nigeria but none could be found, at least, from the legal or constitutional point of view. We then ask, are women actually excluded or discriminated against in party politics and elective positions? Is the issue of gender bias a product of women’s sins of omission? Are cultural disabilities still affecting women in this millennium? Or are there socio-cultural than legal impediments necessitating the enquiry as to whether women can cope in party politics and elective positions in Nigeria? Is party politics chaotic and dirty as a game? Of a fact, there may be intrigues, manoeuvering, blackmail, slander, gangsterism in party politics, but is it enough to scare women?
The topic of our discussion again recognises the dominance and full participation of men as overlords in party politics and electoral conquests in Nigeria. Why now the quest for women involvement, one may want to ask.
It is a notable fact of history that in our traditional societies, women were rarely able to hold political office because they were considered too weak and emotional to exercise responsible leadership positions. Women in many of our societies have no right of audience at the village square where it is the prerogative of the men to speak, decide and legislate on issues that concern women. Nor are women entitled to any form of inheritance at the death of their spouses. More still such women are thrown into penury after being subjected to all sorts of traditional indignities like shaving of heads, drinking of the water with which the corpse of their dead spouse has been washed.
However, the exploits of Queen Amina of Zaria and Oba Orompo of the old Oyo kingdom in the 16th Century clearly demonstrate that it was not totally unheard of for women to assume great political power or influence in more elaborate and centralised states. A Unicef situation Assessment and Analysis 2001 reports that when the British colonial administration extended the hitherto highly restricted franchise to southern Nigeria in 1954, women as well as men were given the right to vote and to be voted for.
Even at that the participation of women in politics in the Southern Nigeria was largely limited to the mobilisation of supporters. Yet it was patriarchal attitudes that limited womens effective participation in party political leadership. While the likes of Chief Mrs Margreth Ekpo and Chief Mrs Fumilayo Ransom Kuti were celebrated in the Southern part of the country, the women in the Northern Nigeria were ostensibly excluded from political and electoral participation until well after Independence in 1960.
A few women like Hajia Gambo Sawaba and Ladi Shehu who defied cultural prejudices and distinguished themselves as prominent members of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) however paid dearly for their struggle for womens political rights. It could be remembered that Hajia Gambo Sawaba was expelled from Kano and flogged at Zaria, sentenced and imprisoned frequently for seventeen (17) times during the first Nigerian Republic. It was not until 1976 that women were finally allowed in the Northern states to fully take part in political processes through a military decree of that year.
Ever since, the agitation for women participation in political activities have remained the local and international campaign by many organizations, Non Governmental Organisations and even Government sponsored Organisations. I remember on this, this, the exploits of late Hajia Maryam Babangida who transformed the hitherto obscure and ceremonial role of the First Lady of Nigeria into a “store house of knowledge and intelligence gathering for the development of complementary public policy and programmes in the work of the presidency.” Mrs Babangida assembled a core of highly public spirited ladies to begin to build the institution of the first lady of the country. With the Better Life for Rural Women (BLP), she engineered and provided tremendous support base and architecture for the mobilisation of women for political participation.
The successive Family Support Programme and the Family Economic Advancement Programmes of Mrs Mariam Abacha and Fatai Abdusalami respectively equally assisted in the sensitisation of the political participation of women. These campaigns paid off in the general election that ushered in the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency of 1999 though a title percentage of women still got elected into the National Assembly and state Houses of Assembly. Apart from patriarchal attitudes, we are strongly of the opinion that political and electoral violence tend heavily to prevail upon women to shy away from active political participation.
These acts of violence always come by way of politically sponsored executions, assassinations, beating, arson, election rigging, intimidation, political harassment with all sorts of weapons, snatching of ballot boxes and election materials at gun point etc. In return, violent activities produce very devastating and harmful effect on the generality of the people. Evil, it is said, begets evil.
The bye-products of political and electoral violence produces the emergence of god fatherism; proliferation of arms before and after electoral battles, lack of reputable, respectable and credible politicians, debasement and indoctrination of youths who are supposed leaders of tomorrow into the cult of violent and militant activities, increase in armed robbery, armed struggle, kidnapping for ransom and all other manner of extortions and criminal behaviours.
It is equally political and electoral violence that has continued to visit this country with economic instability, political apathy by both men and women of goodwill, death of incorruptible loved ones and, more importantly, retards heavily the speed of growth, spread and development of democracy. It further destroys internal party democracy and unfortunately creates a state of fear and near anarchy in the system.
Nkechi Yvonne Ugboaja
A senator who represented Taraba Central, Mr Abubakar Yusuf, has declared that the economic policies of President Bola Tinubu are not yielding the expected results.
His comment is one of the strongest internal critiques yet from within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
The comment underscores the growing dissatisfaction within sections of the ruling party over the direction and impact of the administration’s economic reforms amid rising living costs and fiscal pressures across the country.
Mr Yusuf, who served in the Senate between 2015 and 2023 under the platform of the APC, made the remarks during an appearance on national television.
Responding to a question on whether the administration’s economic direction, often referred to as Tinubunomics, was working, Mr Yusuf answered in the contrary.
“For me, it is not working. I am a member of the APC. I would be the last person to hide the facts”, he said.
He said while the government might be operating diligently within its policy structure, the framework itself is ill-suited to Nigeria’s current realities
“Within the policy framework, yes, they are doing their best, but it is not the framework that is suitable for Nigeria at the point in time that President Asiwaju came into power,” he said.
Mr Yusuf criticised the immediate removal of fuel subsidy on the day the president was sworn in, arguing that the decision lacked sufficient consultation and planning.
“I am one of those who say President Asiwaju ought to have waited. Not on the day he was sworn in to say subsidy is gone. On what basis?”, he asked.
He urged broader engagement before major fiscal decisions are taken.
“Sit down with your cabinet, sit down with your ministers, sit down with your advisers,” he said, dismissing the argument that subsidy removal was justified solely on grounds of corruption.
The former lawmaker identified “structural flaws” in the country’s budgeting system, particularly the envelope budgeting model.
“One of the basic problems is that before you budget, you should have a plan. The envelope system we have been operating has been you budget before you plan. That has been a major issue”, he said.
He argued that allocating spending ceilings without aligning them to concrete development strategies inevitably weakens implementation and delivery.
“If you give me an envelope which is contrary to my plan, whether it is plus or minus, there is no way I am going to implement my plan. It is bound to fail,” he said.
Mr Yusuf called for the scrapping of the envelope budgeting system, noting that he had consistently opposed it even during his years in the National Assembly.
“It is not good for us. It is not going to work well for us,” he said.
He further blamed poor capital releases and persistent deficit financing for undermining budget performance over the years.
“We could not meet 60 percent of our capital budget in all these years. No releases. If you make a budget and the release is very poor, there is no way the budget will be executed”, he stated.
According to him, weak fund disbursement mechanisms and reliance on deficit financing have entrenched a cycle of underperformance.
“Our budget ought to have been a surplus budget, but all our budgets have always been deficit financing budgets,” Mr Yusuf added.
The Nigerian House of Representatives has resolved to reconvene for an emergency session tomorrow February 17, 2026, to deliberate on issues arising from the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) release of the timetable for the 2027 general elections.
The decision was disclosed in a statement issued by the House Spokesman, Rep. Akin Rotimi, who described the electoral body’s announcement as one of “constitutional and national significance.”
INEC had fixed February 20, 2027, for the Presidential and National Assembly elections.
According to the statement, members of the Green Chamber were notified of the emergency sitting through an internal memorandum from the Speaker’s office.
The session is expected to focus on legislative matters connected to the newly released timetable, reflecting the House’s resolve to act promptly on issues affecting the nation’s democratic process.
Rep. Rotimi noted that all related businesses would be treated with urgency and urged lawmakers to prioritise attendance in view of the importance of the deliberations.
INEC had on Friday formally unveiled the comprehensive schedule for the 2027 polls, including timelines for party primaries slated for July to September 2026, as well as the commencement of Continuous Voter Registration in April 2026.
The development comes amid ongoing consultations and proposed amendments to the Electoral Act ahead of the 2027 general elections.
As the controversy over the transmission of election results continues across the country, the Defence For Human Rights And Democracy (DHRD), a pro democracy organisation in the country, has criticised the National Assembly for not giving express approval to real time transmission of elections results.
To this end, the group is calling on all civil society organisations in the country to mobilise and push for a better Electoral Reform in the country.
This was contained in a press statement titled, “Defence For Human Rights and Democracy Demands Real Time Election Transmission of Result”, a copy of which was made available to newsmen in Port Harcourt.
The group described the refusal of compulsory real time transmission of result results by the Senate as undemocratic, adding that the situation will give room for election manipulation, rigging and voters apathy.
It said that the provision of mandatory real time transmission of election results would have significant improvement on the nation’s democracy.
According to the statement, “Since the return of democracy in 1999 to date, it is 27 years, so our Democracy has metamorphosed from being nascent and as such significant improvement should have been recorded.
“Defence For Human Rights And Democracy (DHRD), is really disappointed at the National Assembly, especially the upper chamber (Senate) for not approving ‘Real Time Electronic Transmission of Election Result’.
“This undemocratic act of theirs, if not tamed, will give room for election manipulation and rigging’”.
Signed by Comrade Clifford Christopher Solomon on behalf of the organisation, the statement further said, “The Defence For Human Rights and Democracy unequivocally supports real time transmission of election result”, stressing that his group will resist any act by the National Assembly to undermine the nation’s democracy.
“DHRD,unequivocally supports ‘True Democracy’, which is Government of the people, by the people and for the people.
“Therefore, anything that will crash the hope of Nigerians to Freely, Fairly and Transparently elect candidates of their choice in any given election should and will be vehemently resisted because good governance begins with leaders elected through credible process. By so doing, leaders have entered a social contract with the citizens to equitably manage their affairs and abundant resources”, the statement added.
It urged the National Assembly to revisit the issue in order to avoid civil unrest.
According to the DHRD, “To avoid civil unrest,voters apathy, election rigging and manipulation, rather to promote citizens participation, advancing our Democracy and entrenching free, fair, credible and acceptable electoral outcome, the National Assembly should amend the electoral act in a manner that will deepen our democracy and boost citizens confidence.
“On this note, The Defence For Human Rights And Democracy (DHRD), is calling on all other civil society organisations (CSOs) to mobilise, organise and push for a better electoral act amendment by the National Assembly”.
By: John Bibor