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Nigeria And Debt Burden

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Amidst conflicting claims that Nigeria external debt has blown up again after the country’s exit from Paris club, the House of Representatives summoned the Minister of Finance, Alhaji Mansur Mukhtar to appear before its ad-hoc committee on foreign loans on 16th February , 2010 to clarify issues pertaining Nigeria’s external debts .

Nigeria’s exit from the Paris club debt was in 2005/2006. of course the country’s debt dropped from what it used to be before the exit process commenced, the external debt stock stood at about United States $35.94billion by the end of December, 2004.

Murhktar urged the house committee to disregard insinuating of the increase in the country’s debt asserting emphatically that the debt stock dropped dramatically and substantially after the ccountry’s exit from Paris  Club (in 2005/2006). He said ; “By end –December 2006.  The stock was a much lower amount of USB 3.54 billion. The debt stock figure by end-december ,2007 was USD 3.65 billion, by end – December,2008 it was USD 3.72, and by end –December, 2009, it was USD 3.97 billion”.

It is worthy to note that….the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria did not specifically make provision on borrowing. However, under the second schedule, section 4, item 7, of the exclusive legislative list, the National Assembly is conferred with the powers to make laws in respect of borrowing of money within or outside Nigeria for the purpose of the federation of a state. Pursuant to this power the National Assembly has enacted the debt management Act, 2003 and the fiscal  responsibility Act , 2007.

In particular , section  19 (1)and(2) of the DMO Act requires that the borrowing programme for every succeeding year be approved by the national assembly . In compliance with this requirement, the borrowing programme for fiscal 2010 has been included as part of the 2010 appropriation bill.

The Finance Minister clarify that state governments are not allowed to borrow directly from external source. And that a state government or its agency can obtain external loans only through the federal Government. (Fiscal Responsibility Act, Section 47 (3)). In accessing external loans, a government or its agency has to comply with the relevant guidelines and requirements which derives from responsibility Act  and the DMO Act .These include: the national debt management framework , the external borrowing guidelines and the sub- national borrowing guidelines. External borrowing by the federal and state governments within the borrowing programme included in the budget are still subjected to these guidelines by the debt management office under the authority of the minister of finance .In essence , there is effective control to ensure compliance with the provisions of the constitution and other external laws and guidelines.

In line with the current national borrowing guidelines, Nigeria’s external borrowing since the exit from the Paris Club and London Club debts has been limited to concessional sources. These credits, essentially from the international development association(IDA) and African development fund (ADF) windows , of the World Bank and the ADB, respectively, have a 40-year repayment period including a 10 –year grace period. (Murkhtar said although several loans were considered, negotiated and processed between 2007 and 2009, only $1,831.60 billion became effective during the period. The total amount drawn down between 2007 and 2009 was $1,318.22 billion , which was made up  of $880.89 million (disbursements on old loans contracted before 2007 ), and $437.33 million (disbursements on loans contracted between 2007 and 2009).

Part of the reason for the misunderstanding of Nigeria’s external debts , He said ,is the non- recognition that when Nigeria paid off its paris  club and London club debts, it did not pay off its multilateral debts, as this was neither necessary nor desirable. Only the problematic and the odious component the external debt was cleared off.

Much of the external debts remaining after the exit from the Paris and London club debts are loans from multilateral financial institution (word bank, African development bank, international fund for agricultural development, etc). The loans from this source constitute about 85% of the country’s external debt stock as at march 31, 2009. It is pertinent to note that about 83% of the interest charges: service charge of 0.75%p.a and long repayment periods of 40 years and above, including a grace period of 10 years.

In view of their long tenors, implying gradual installment payments, it is obvious that some of the outstanding loans were contracted more than 20 years ago and cannot be contributed to the last few years. Indeed, some of the loans were contracted in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s for various infrastructural and social development projects. It is because their payments were scheduled to be gradual so as not to put serious burden of Fiscal resources, that part of them are still outstanding. That the loans have a long repayment period is beneficial, given the nature of the projects and services they financed – projects and services like basic education, health and rural water supply, as well as roads whose revenue-generating impact is at the best slow, small and indirect. More importantly, it should be noted that much of the loans were applied to the provision of social and infrastructural services over the years. There is no doubt that some of the infrastructure funded in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s are still useful assets to the people.

While the Post-Paris Club external debt stock has remained sufficiently restrained, it does vary up and down within reasonable limits even if no new loans have been incurred. This is because old loans could still be disbursing while, at the same time, repayments of principal amounts due could be taking place. The direction of the swing in the outstanding debt stock, therefore, depends on the net result of disbursements and repayments.

Nevertheless, the Finance Minister assumed that government is committed to ensuring debt sustainability and avoiding a replace into the pre-Paris Club debt exit situation. In line with this posture, the Debt Management Office has developed a National Debt Management Framework (NDMF) to guide the policy and strategy for external and domestic borrowing by the federal and states governments, as well as their agencies. The NDMF contains specific guidelines for borrowing, designed not only to limit borrowings to sustainable levels but also to ensure that there is a value for money and that the use of funds leads to the growth, employment and poverty reduction. Further, the DMO working closely with the Ministry of Finance, the CBN, the National Planning Commission and other agencies conducts annually, a Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA) to keep track of the statics and dynamics of the public debt sustainability under changing local and external scenarios.

For the same reason, the DMO he said is making significant progress in implementing the Template foe helping every of the 36 States of the Federation.

 

Justus Awaji

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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