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N’Delta Ministry, NDDC And Mega Projects

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At last, the big ticket projects that would change the fortunes of the long-suffering people of the Niger Delta region are beginning to leave the drawing board. Just last year, 45 mega projects worth about N180 billion rolled out of the “pipelines” to spread development across the region. Significantly, this has prepared the grounds for even bolder initiatives.

A few years back, the talk about a coastal road appeared utopian and distant. That is no longer the case as it has since left the realms of idealism. In fact, the design for the road, which is about 650 kilometers, is almost ready and the Federal Government is willing to pick up the bills.

According to Mr. Chibuzor Ugwoha, Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), the coastal road, which will traverse the deltaic region, will soon be a reality. “NDDC has done the design of the coastal road running from Calabar to Lagos. Before the end of the year, the final design will be ready,” he said.

Without doubt, the NDDC would have loved to execute this lofty project if it had the necessary financial muscle. Unfortunately, it couldn’t shoulder the enormous burden on account of the limited funds available to it. In this year’s budget, for instance, it has only N240.5 billion to spend on both projects and overhead costs. Certainly, that will not scratch the surface for a mega road project estimated to cost about Nl.8 trillion.

However, NDDC’s loss is the gain of the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs. Not that it matters though, since the common objective is the rapid development of the oil-rich region, using the Niger Delta Regional Development Master Plan as a compass. It is no surprise, therefore, that the Federal Government has transferred the responsibility for executing the project to the Niger Delta Ministry.

The Vice President, Mohammed Namadi Sambo offered a justification for this when he said: “The Federal Government, in its quest to complete all major projects in the Niger Delta, has directed that the coastal road construction be transferred to the Ministry of Niger Delta since the money needed for its construction is over N1 trillion and is beyond the capability of the NDDC.”

In any case, the ministry was established to play such pivotal roles in the quest to actualise the government’s objective to fast-track the development of the Niger Delta. It is expected to lead and co-ordinate the infrastructural and environmental development, as well as the youth empowerment programmes in the region.

The perennial violence in the region has made it imperative for the government to accord the Niger Delta a special treatment that goes beyond mere tokenism. It is no longer sufficient to hide under the cover of an interventionist agency that is under-funded. Obviously, the country needs to do what the United States of America did for Europe at the end of the Second World War using the Marshall Plan.

The Regional Development Master Plan, accepted by all stakeholders as the way forward, provides the platform for the massive injection of funds to quickly transform the long neglected region that produces the oil that sustains the nation. This widely acclaimed roadmap for the region would require trillions of naira to actualise.

The Master Plan, which all agree is a worthy compass for the development of the region, needs to be adequately funded in order to translate the lofty plans into tangible projects and programmes.

There can’t be a better time than now to take concrete steps to accelerate the development of the Niger Delta region, to at least convince the indigenes about the commitment of the Federal Government to the socio-economic transformation of the nation’s honey pot. Visible development projects must now be embarked upon before the peace won through the amnesty programme is lost.

The Ledum Mittee-Ied Technical Committee did a thorough job, synthesizing the reports and recommendations of previous committees. Sadly, the report is yet to be fully utilized. Moreover, the Master Plan facilitated by the NDDC is another document that should be seen more like a Bible by the ministry.

Spear-heading the implementation of the Technical Committee’s report and the Master Plan will be the best strategy for the ministry, which is intent on making an enduring impact in the shortest time possible. For this to happen, though, there must be a robust funding of the Master Plan, which is a product of elaborate and intensive collaborative efforts of various stakeholders in the Niger Delta. Although the NDDC facilitated its production, it was, indeed, a product of all the stakeholders who spent over four years jointly in putting it together.

Given the volatile nature of the oil-bearing communities, it is only wise that the government takes urgent measures to address their age-old grievances. Unlike in the past when communities were contented with freebies, the ministry should aggressively provide basic infrastructure and human capital development that can guarantee long term benefits for majority of the people of the region.

Good enough, the NDDC has set the ground rules, many of which have worked very well in bringing succour to the people. The ministry should do well to take a cue from the commission. In all, quick execution of tangible projects in the Niger Delta is the enduring solution to the lingering crises in the region. The ministry should, indeed, call the meeting of all the major stakeholders – the state and local governments, the oil companies, the NDDC and the international donor agencies – to agree on the specific roles each of them should play in the faithful implementation of the Master Plan with definite timeframe.

It is obvious that no meaningful economic progress can be made unless the crisis in the Niger Delta is comprehensively addressed. The President Goodluck Jonathan administration has a chance to make history by fast-tracking the development of the region. With an established blueprint in its hands, the government has all it takes to succeed.

Undoing the damage wrought by decades of neglect and injustice requires partnership and synergy. The ministry and other relevant agencies should serve as rallying points for harnessing the energies and ideas needed for the comprehensive development of the region.

Virtually all the stakeholders agree that there is high level of poverty and underdevelopment in the Niger Delta. To give effect to the urgent task of transforming the region, several strategies and options should be adopted. In all, however, funding remains the most critical factor. Even now, the Federal Government is yet to release a balance of N500 million owed the NDDC. One can only hope that the funding situation will improve henceforth.

Apart from the critical issue of funding, it is also important that all stakeholders collaborate to lift the region from the abyss of underdeve1opment. It is, ostensibly, in response to this need that the NDDC set up a clearing house called the Partners for Sustainable Developmen [PSD] Forum. This important organ brings together representatives of federal and state governments of oil-bearing states, youth and women leaders, traditional rulers as well as the organized private sector, civil society, the mass media and international development agencies such as the UNDP and the World Bank. Their main function is to ensure that the developmental activities in the Niger Delta by all stakeholders are synchronized. This important organ should be more alive to its responsibility and the ministry will do itself a lot of good by making use of the forum.

All the stakeholders are agreed that what the region needs is rapid and holistic development that will banish the era of militancy. A coordinated approach and a faithful implementation of the Master Plan will ensure a faster delivery on projects that would make profound impact on the lives of the people. The nation cannot afford a resurgence of armed conflicts in the Niger Delta.

Agbu is a Port Harcourt-based journalist and media consultant.

 

Ifeatu Agbu

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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