Opinion
Planning The National Economy
As observed by W. Arthur Lewis: “Making development plans is the most popular activity of governmentof underdeveloped countries since the war, and is also nearly their biggest failure.” Nigeria’s experience is a case in point. With over six decades of planning its economy, the pertinent fact remains that the country has not been able to extricate itself from the vicious clutches of underdevelopment. Worse still, none of the development planning objectives has been achieved. Why? The reasons are numerous.
First, it is perceived by some scholars that the failure of development plans in Nigeria to yield the desired result is a necessary outcome of the incorporation of the country into the global capitalist orbit, and the notion that economic development is the same thing as westernization.
The scholars including C. Ake, P . E. Ollawa, Dos Santos, Chinweizu, and A.G. Frank argue that any meaningful analysis, appreciation, or understanding of underdevelopment must begin with the understanding of the nature, pattern and level of capital penetration, resource exploitation, mechanism of surplus expropriation, pattern of international relations, and the general effects of these on the policies pursued by the country.
Second, the plans are more often than not aggregations of incompatible projects and policies and not strategies for development. In the NEEDS document, it is stated: “The overall strategy is to diversify the productive base of the economy away from oil and to foster market-oriented, private sector-driven economic development with strong local participation.”
From the NEEDS document, it is not difficult to see why, over the years, what have passed as strategies for the pursuance of development plan objectives for the country include expansion and diversification of agricultural export commodities, import substitution, export, promotion, indigenisation, integrated rural development, structural adjustment programmes, commercialisation and privatisation programmes.
It is apparent that with these strategies and policies, the productive base of the economy has remained undiversified.
In the pre-civil war period, export of agricultural produce was the engine of growth of the country’s economy. But in the post-civil war decades, petroleum became increasingly important directly for both the balance of payments and government revenue, and indirectly for income propagation. The emphasis and high hopes placed on petroleum production especially during the Second National Development Plan (1970 – 75) resulted in the neglect of the agricultural sector; and the result was that the level of food production in the country barely kept pace with the population growth. Unfortunately, the subsequent plans and policies have not succeeded in reversing the trend.
Thirdly, development plan failure in Nigeria has also been attributed to inefficient, ineffective and inappropriate administrative machinery for planning.
From the “Ten-Year Plan of Development and Welfare for Nigeria” prepared under the British colonial administration, it was quite clear that the colonial administrative machinery was limited in its objectives of maintenance of law and order and of opening up the colonial economy to serve the needs of the metropolitan government. Improbably, the country’s achievement of independence in 1960, has not transformed the public service into development-oriented machinery, without which development planning would be a farce.
Today, despite the efforts to improve the processes and machinery of planning in the country, there is no indication that members of the public are constantly being consulted or made to feel part of the development process. It is indeed doubtful if some top officials of ministries are really aware of or familiar with the projects of their ministries.
The fourth index of the failure of development planning in Nigeria is that nobody takes the plans seriously after the initial fanfare with which they are published. This is understandable.
The large figures, the billions of naira to be spent on innumerable projects and the projected high rates of growth, as well as the high hopes generally raised, give an indication that the plans are mere political propaganda and pure fantasy. So what you find is that the plans are put aside and often forgotten on the shelves soon after they are made. Supposedly, the officials who made the plans hardly consult them for government actions or inactions.
The final index is the primacy of politics in the public policy and decision-making behaviours of the country’s leaders.
In the language of P. E. Olawa, “The primacy of politics exists in the process of policy and decision-making when political considerations out-weigh rational technical questions of selecting alternatives which have the greatest probability of effecting the most efficient allocation of scarce resources.”
Primacy of politics approach has three basic features: decision adhocism, preference of immediate short-term goals to long term ones, and making of major policy decisions without considering their repercussions on long-term planning.
It will be interesting to go into the exposition of these features but that will take us too far beyond the concerns of this piece. But suffice it to say that these features have continued to manifest in the political expediency and spontaneity with which Nigerian leaders make promises and far-reaching decisions and site projects.
Yes, I write this piece with the perception that planning is the first responsibility of a leader or manager. So, as Presidnet Goodluck Ebele Jonathan settles down to his challenging state duties, his first task should be to address these perennial problems of plan formulation and implementation highlighted above, and then come up with distinctive, bold, and boom ideas that will turn planning in Nigeria into a propelling force that is capable of uplifting the· country to greater heights.
Some of the requirements for a successful development plan are inclusive, efficient, and effective planning machinery, valid statistical data, physical and financial balances, inspiring, realistic and mutually compatible and flexible objectives, as well as effective mobilisation of resources. Others include incorrupt and efficient personnel and administration of government, proper development policy, a firm educational base, national conciousness and public cooperation.
The future is bright for the Nigerian nation, but it is imperative that the country should, with a collective sense of purpose, be willing to plan and work for it’s ecoomic, social, and political development and greatness.
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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