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Before PIB Becomes Law

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For over two decades now, the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) has been in the making yet to be passed into law. The long delay in having Petroleum Industry law in Nigeria has generated so much concerns and criticisms. This, The Tide investigation revealed, has frustrated investment in the oil and gas sector.

After several amendments, however, the PIB is now before the National Assembly awaiting to be passed into law. But sources say the current bill contains some defects that if passed into law, may not only meet the aspirations of Nigerians, but will also defeat the original concept of the bill.

The head of a multinational firm, for instance, was reported to have said the failure to pass the PIB would simply mean little or no further investment in the upstream sector of the petroleum industry “And that could result in huge losses for the federal government, as well as local companies, which could have benefited from such investment”, he said.

The Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is a bill that contains all the requirements that apply to the entire petroleum industry in Nigeria. It covers such  matters as petroleum administration, royalties and taxes, bidding procedures, environmental obligations, employment, business opportunities and technical requirements.

Petroleum matters, which before now, usually came under different laws and regulations are now in a single bill, hence, PIB is a combination of 16 different Nigerian petroleum laws in a single transparent and coherent document.

The original concept of the PIB is to provide a strong basis for the renewal of Nigeria’s petroleum industry base on international best practices. It is meant to establish a new framework for the good governance of the oil industry with increased petroleum revenues for the country as well as, open a new window of opportunities for Nigerians.

In legislative drafting, for a law to command acceptability, it has to address the issue (s) that gave rise to the need for that law. It has to be consistent with existing laws on the issue. It should also make provision for what constitutes violation of that law, prescribe punishment and also put in place the mechanism for enforcement.

Regrettably, the current version of the PIB that is before the National Assembly did not meet the above-mentioned requirements. There are a lot of grey areas in the bill that call for serious concerns. Many stakeholders have urged the National Assembly to take another look at the bill before it is passed into law.

According to the programme officer of Social Action, Vivian Bellonwu, “PIB in its original concept or idea is very commendable. When we had a press conference calling on the National Assembly not to pass the PIB, we did so not with the intention of depriving the country of its benefits. We did so out of the concerns that we have noticed that emanate from that document (PIB).”

“There are a lot of aspects of that documents that fall seriously below standard. There are a lot of grey areas in that bill. And you know, one thing about law is that once it is passed, it becomes very difficult to amend.” Bellonwu argued that law is not like an ordinary policy government in power can alter at will.

“People must understand this, if you are making a law, you should make every effort to have a good law since amending a law is difficult”, she said.

Corroborating Bellonwu’s stance, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke, Minister of Petroleum, in an interview with This Day said “the Senate President had mentioned both to me and to the President that the bill that he saw at the Senate had given him grave concerns because several aspects of the bill had been glossed over and not thoroughly addressed. Yet, that bill had already been laid before the Senate and when it has been laid, you cannot take it away to amend. So I told him if that bill was the one to go forward for passage then we are finished”.

What then is wrong with the bill? The Minister provided the answer. “The fiscal regime, especially for gas had not been touched at all. In fact, the regimes were not just workable and they were actually punitive even to our own indigenous operators; that was one aspect of the bill that had a problem”.

Another grey area in the PIB is lack of provision for developing the specific capacity of members of oil bearing communities so that they can participate in the industry and benefit from it, especially in view of the devastating effects of oil exploration and exploitation in the country.

The President of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) was reported to have lamented the exclusion of Petroleum Training Institute (PTI) which, according to him, “is solely responsible for training and retraining of more than 85 percent of the technical manpower in the entire upstream and downstream oil and gas sector in Nigeria”.

PTI appeared in the original draft of the PIB, but was later expunged. When compared with the Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act, 2007, there are discrepancies in the provisions for host communities. With the proposed PIB, an oil licence or lease can be granted without putting into consideration the closeness of the said field to the communities.

Section 3 (1) (C) of the Mining Act provides that , “no mineral title granted under this Act shall authorize exploration or exploitation of mineral resources on, or in of the erection of beacons on or the occupation of any land  occupied by any town, village, market, burial ground or cemetery, ancestral, sacred or archaeological site, appropriated for a railway or sited within fifty metres for a railway or which is the site of or within fifty metres of any government or public building, dam or public road”.

Also in section 102 of the Mining Act, the right of the owner of the property is recognized by giving the owner the right to determine the rent. This is seen in part of section 102 which provides a mining lease on any private or any state land should require the owner or occupier of the land to state in writing within the period specified by regulation made under the Act the rate of the owner desires should be paid to him by the leasee for the land occupied or used by it for or in connection with its mining operation”.

Noting the ambiguity of this community equity, Bellonwu says: “in the harmonized version, the equity was included. But now, it is one thing putting something and use another means to take away the entire thing. That is what they have done in that bill. The equity being talked about in the bill is vague. This is because it does not clearly define what the equity is all about. It just says 10 percent of what? Is it 10 per cent of royalties? Is it 10 percent of the entire oil drilled in the country? 10 per cent of what? It is not clearly defined.

Besides, it has a lot of deductions that has been introduced into the 10 percent that would practically erode the entire fund that goes to communities. For instance, there is an area or clause that says 10 per cent of 10 per cent would be deducted and used to run administration she argues that it is a ploy to make host communities feel that they are being given something when nothing is being given to them.

“It will still end up in the moribund NDDC that we have today. What are they deducting 10 per cent from 10 per cent for? What we are saying is that the deductions are wrong”, she says.

Meanwhile, there are other sections of the bill that demand the urgent attention of the National Assembly. These include the provisions on the management of the environment, gas flaring transparency and accountability in resource management, funding of proposed institutions, restriction on suits against the proposed institution and transparency and openness in the process of awarding licences, among others.

With the so many loopholes in the bill, it is not clear yet how the PIB, when passed into law, intends to address the equity rate, gas flaring and environmental gradation, among others.

Vivian-Peace Nwinaene

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Opinion

Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance 

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Quote:”But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged”.

The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.

The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.

For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.

President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.

The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.

Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.

The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.

But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.

It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.

Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.

The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.

Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.

Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.

Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.

Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.

Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.

“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.

The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.

As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.

The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.

By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator

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Opinion

Checking Herdsmen Rampage

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Quote:”
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
According to reports,   suspected Fulani herdsmen on June 25, 2025 invaded Ueken, the ancestral home of the Tai Kingdom, in the Ogoni Ethnic Nationality of Rivers State and murdered one  Goodluck Dimkpa, a father of one. The attack has reportedly caused panic and led to residents fleeing the community. It also generated coordinated protests from aggrieved Ogoni youths.
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and  strongly condemned the  invasion  by suspected Fulani herdsmen.

In his denunciation,  MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”

He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.

On June 13-14, 2025, about 200 adults and children were reported to have been gruesomely murdered and burnt in Yelewata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, by suspected herdsmen who stormed the community, attacked the innocent people, and wreaked  havoc described as one the deadliest attacks in the Middle Belt of Nigeria, in recent times.Two days before the Yelewata senseless massacre, precisely on June 11, 2025, about 25 people were killed in Makurdi still by people suspected to be Fulani herdsmen.
Plateau State, Southern Kaduna and other Middle Belt States have their own tales of woe from the unprovoked attacks by the Fulani herdsmen leading to loss of lives and properties.
Some upland Local Government Areas  of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.

In my considered view the Fulani herdsmen whom life means nothing to, have gone too far. The right to life and property are fundamental but the  herdsmen’s invasions violate such inalienable rights of the people.Already Nigeria seems to exist on a precipice with the majority of her about 200 million people groaning in the quagmire of unpopular economic policies, reprehensible democratic practices translating to a gale of decampment to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) which is a tell-tale sign of an imminent one party State, looting of public funds with impunity and barefaced corruption in all sectors of the nation.
Nigerians, therefore, cannot afford to live with the debilitating consequences that the activities of the Fulani herdsmen portend in the face of the trending precarious socio-political and economic challenges. In fact, in all the States like Benue, Borno, Plateau, where incessant herdsmen attacks are frequent, residents live in petrified fear because of the disregard and disrespect for the sanctity of human lives. This fear leads to gross lack of development.
The governors of those States though Chief security officers, seem to be incapacitated, to carry out the primary responsibility of protection of lives and property of their citizens as enshrined in the grand norm. The mayhem caused by herdsmen in many states of Nigeria has left indelible pains in some families and communities, sufficient enough to make the government to control the activities of the herdsmen.
Some of these men who claim to ply their occupation are seen carrying lethal weapons. Which law in Nigeria gives people right to illegally possess weapons? How could the herders publicly carry lethal weapons without security operatives’ arresting and questioning them? The Fulani herdsmen, it’s not out of place to say,  are above the law. Because of their possession of weapons, the herdsmen are licensed to destroy lives, property and crops-the source of livelihood of others, thereby increasing food insecurity, poverty, hunger,  hostility and lack of development.
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land? Such nonsense must be made to stop, no matter whose ox is gored. Security operatives should be proactive to check  attempts of Fulani herdsmen to breach the peace. They should arrest and prosecute culprits because Fulani herdsmen who perpetrate  the heinous  acts have always been allowed to go  non reprimanded.
There is need to enhance vigilance and community coordination while residents should be alert,  take necessary precautions and work with traditional rulers, chiefs, youth leaders and local vigilante to stem the ugly trend.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?

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As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.

Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.

In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.

This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years.  Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.

Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.

All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.

Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.

Ehebha  God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.

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