Opinion
Can New CJN Sanitise The Judiciary?
With the recent appointment of Justice Mariam Aloma Mukhtar as Nigeria’s new Chief Justice, the ratio in gender consideration for the first time in the history of the country could be said to be fair. Two men to one woman is a good ratio, and it should be a base of comparison between the leadership of the male and that of the female at the end of this administration. This development is a good omen to Nigeria if the opportunity can be utilised to the best interest of the citizenry and enthronement of democracy and the rule of law.
The executive and the legislative arms of Nigerian government have never been entrusted to Nigerian women. The first female Speaker of the lower chamber of the National Assembly, Hon. Patricia Etteh, which was the highest elective position ever occupied by a woman, was impeached.
Mukhtar’s appointment is another outstanding achievement by President Goodluck Jonathan. Despite opposition against Aloma’s emergence as the CJN, the President, who has shown clear disposition to empowerment of Nigerian women and the recognition and promotion of excellence. He has made history as the first Nigerian president to appoint a first female CJN. More women (at least 35% of the executive members) are in his government.
Mukhtar was the first woman on the bench and the first female Justice of the Supreme Court. She was also the first woman to be appointed into the Appeal Court. In 2000, she served in the Court of Appeal and ranked third in seniority behind his predecessor, Justice Dahiru Musdapher and the President of the Court of Appeal. In 2005, she was confirmed as Supreme Court Justice and was much later joined by Justices Olufunlola Adeyeye and Mary Odili.
She is the 13th indigenous CJN Nigeria has produced. The past CJN include, Adetokunbo Ademola (1958–1972), Teslim Olawale Elias, (1972–1975), Darnley Arthur Alexander (1975–1979), Atanda Fatai Williams (1979–1983), George Sodeinde Sowemimo (1983–1985), Ayo Gabriel Irikefe, (1985–1987), Mohammed Bello, (1987–1995), Muhammad Lawal Uwais, (1995–2006), Salihu Moddibo Alfa Belgore, (2006–2007), Idris Legbo Kutigi (2007–2009), Aloysius Ignatius Kastina-Alu (2009 -2011) and Justice Dahiru Musdahper (2011-2012).
Justice Murkhtar has been described as a trail blazer in her career and one who has risen to the pinnacle in the judiciary on account of her brilliance, resilience and hardwork. President Jonathan acknowledged this in his letter to the Senate that, “There is the hand of destiny in the life of this distinguished jurist. From the records, she was the first female lawyer of the Northern extraction, the first female high court judge from the North, first female second-in-command, Kano State judiciary, the first Nigerian female jurist to be elevated to the Court of Appeal where she served for over 17 years. Her lordship’s achievement is an inspiration to all citizens especially womanhood not only in Nigeria but also in Africa and the rest of the world”.
Since her appointment by the President, reactions have been pouring in as to whether she is capable or not to lead the judiciary at this trying period. This is no doubt a challenge to the new CJN.
She should see her appointment as a heavy task that has been placed on her shoulders. She must tell the world that Nigerian women have come of age.
Even though her appointment was made by the President, it should not be the basis for her to subject the judiciary which is the last hope of common man to the dictate of other two arms. There are a lot of rots in the judiciary which demand the employment of judicial officers with wealth of experience in criminal jurisprudence and terrorism to preside over the courts. She should base their appointments on merit and ensure that she fulfills her promise of cleansing the system.
Cleansing an already established system in Nigeria is not just as easy as reeling out measures to do it. Rhetorics are mostly employed in solving Nigeria’s problem. This has not yielded positive results.
There have been serious complaints of delayed trials particularly in cases of corruption, terrorism and other matters of serious concern. Many citizens have been behind the bars for very minor reasons, while others have been moving freely on the streets in Nigeria and abroad, yet with very serious punishable offences.
Such complaints have forced many Nigerians to seek the creation of special courts or designation of special judges with the required experience and speed to handle them. As the CJN seems to have opted for the second choice of designating special judges, she has to ensure that the judges to be appointed into such positions are incorruptible.
Her promise of reforming the judiciary which was made clear during her confirmation by the Senate is a heavy burden. If the reformation of the Nigerian judiciary can be possible under a woman, this may prompt many Nigerians to opt for a woman leadership at the National Assembly and even first Nigerian president. This is the beginning, nay, the testing beginning for Nigerian women. Justice Murkhtar cannot afford to disappoint the women folk.
But can there be any change in the judiciary under Murkhtar? Can our judiciary really become a house of incorruptible judges and justices? Time will tell.
Ajah, a writer and advocate of humanity and good governance writes from Abuja.
Muhammad Ajah
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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