Opinion

Should The Six Geopolitical Zones Become Federating Units In Nigeria?

Published

13 years ago

February 11, 2013

One issue that is critical to the development of the country is the high cost of governance. Thus, Nigerians have had cause to suggest the collapsing of the 36 states structure in favour of the six geo-political zones as federating units.

Following this, The Tide correspondent, Calista Ezeaku sought the views of Nigerians on the issue.

Excerpts

Ordinarily, on paper, we say we practise a federated State. But in practice, that is not the true position because if you say you practice true federalism, the states should mange their own resources and give a certain percentage to the federal government. But what is in practice in the country is a situation where by the federal government controls all the resources and dishes out to the state the way it pleases it. That is not true federalism. So as a country we need to practise true federalism by allowing the states manage their own resources.

So obviously, I am in support of the six geo political zones becoming federating units. These units will manage their resources and give to the federal government what ever percentage they have agreed as a democratic body, as people who have agreed to stay together as a nation. They give back to the federal government a percentage of their earnings. If this is truly practised, the states individually whether geopolitical or as they are right now, will want to make sure that they produce and make the economy of their states blossom because now they will no longer be relying on the federal government. The federal government will rather be relying on them to sustain its structure.

But now, it is the other way round. The federal government is the almighty structure on ground. While the states look up to it for their allocations. Because of this some states do not produce any thing. They just sit back and wait for the allocation to come from the federal government, whether they work or not. Meanwhile, other states are doing every thing to get resources out and every other state is depending on it. But by the time it is the other way round and practiced the way it should be practiced, each state will begin to look in ward and produce something.

The heavens have endowed each state with something but rather the drive for quick out money is killing the other sectors of the economy. But if true federalism is allowed, every state will begin to produce and see the potentials that they have. They will explore it and it will be to the maximum use of the nation as a whole and the so called power of the federal government because of the money that is there right now, will be minimized.

Although there are some fears that if the states become autonomous, the black man knowing who we are we’ll want to be effective in our power because there may be no limitation but if the government is ready for it, every thing will be well spelt out. And one of the things that will help is the removal of immunity clause for our leaders, because if any body who is in a place of authority violates the rights of other people because he is an autonomous government, a state governor as it were, and do things the way he ought not to do, if he knows that he can be fired even while there, I think it will help resolve a lot of issues.

Mrs Lilian Okonkwo, Journalist

Well I think the six geopolitical zones should become federated units in Nigeria because that will give the people a voice and bring about rapid development of the country. Before now, we had three regions – the Eastern, Western and Northern which functioned very effectively. So, I think if the six zones become federated units, governance will be easier and it will give a voice to every ethnic group in Nigeria. Of course you know that the geopolitical zones we have now is not constitutional.

They were created out of political need. But when you make them federated units, it becomes constitutional, go there is this request now that it should be constitutionalised, although some people in the north are kicking against it. Those of them who feel that democracy is a game of number are saying that they have over 50 percent of Nigeria’s population, so equating them with other zones like South South and south who they say are lower in number, will affect them, while these other people in the south feel it will help them.

So the geo-political zones were created as a political need, to reach out to every ethnic group in the country. And if it is serving that purpose, then why not constitutionalise it and make them federated units.

But even when you make the zones federated units and true federalism is not practiced, there will still be problem. Let there be true federalism. Nigeria is a Federal Republic but we have several issues as a result of not practicing federalism in the true sense of it.

So, what ever we are doing, let us do it right. The emphasis is on doing it right. If we do it right it’s going to work. I will also advise that politicians should forget about political or self interest and work for the good of the country.

Mr Ikechi Akpuh:

The original aim of creating the six geopolitical zones was to harness the multi-ethnic interests in Nigeria. So the zones were politically divided. But since then it has not actually yielded the desired result. So, I don’t think if the current geopolitical zones become federated units, it will really make any difference.

The truth is that the six geopolitical zones have caused more problems because it helps to promote ethnic interest. Everybody wants to attract things to his / her zone and by that they have forgotten about Nigeria as an entity. Making the six geo-political zones, federated units will not solve the problems in Nigeria. The only solution is that we should respect our constitution and forget about the geo-political zones. Nigeria is an entity. Our interest should be Nigeria and Nigeria alone. Any thing outside Nigeria and the constitution of Nigeria will cause more problem. Let us obey our constitution and remain one Nigeria.

I call for true federalism as an entity called Nigeria and not six federating units in one country. Those things will cause more problems and promote ethnic interest. And when a country is going like that, it’s a time bomb.

Mr Goddy Ekikpoye, Student

I think the six geopolitical zones should become federated units, because they are closer to the people that the current system of government in Nigeria, where the interest of some people, especially the minority groups are not protected it will bring government nearer to the people and there will be faster development of the units and in effect, the entire country. I don’t think there is any need pretending that the federal system we have in place now is working when we know that it is not working. Let the six geopolitical zones – South South, South East, South West, North West, North East and Central be made federated unit.

Yon see, one characteristics of the six zones is that they are made up of people that have one or two things in common language, culture, history or what have you. So, let each zone form its government, administer, themselves and manager their resources and the heads of the units may be premires or what ever, will be accountable to the President of the Federal Republic.

This will promote healthy competition among the units and all of them will strive discover and develop their potentials instead of all the states relying on oil Monday as it is presently the case.

Mr Augustine Taneeh, Publisher.

In my opinion, making the six geo-political zones federating units is not a bad idea. But the snag we have in the country is implementation. For example, we say we are operating a federal system of government. We have federal, state and local government. It has never worked. You find a situation where the federal government will like to control the states and the states want to control the local governments.

So, the federating units will only work when we have respect for the rule of law. But if we don’t have respect for the rule of law, it will just be on paper and on our lips and it will not be put into practice. Ideally, becoming federating units will make the zones autonomous and bring out rapid development in the country but will the federated units be given the free hand to practice true federalism, so for the federated units to produce the expected good results, they should be allowed to operate and manage themselves and their resources. That is why I said we should have respect for the rule of law because if we have respect for the rule of law, you’ll know that these are autonomous states, these are wheat they should do one their own, you allow them. For example, look at what is happening in the country today the local government areas are not allowed to use their allocations freely. You see the state government fingering into local government allocations. So the bottom line is respect for rule of law.

Barr Piomikei Amadi-Operaeli, Lawyer

Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

1 day ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”

Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.

Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.

The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.

One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.

In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.

Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.

Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.

Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.

Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.

The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.

On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.

In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.

IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.

By: Ivara Favour Isaac

Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

1 day ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”

In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.

They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.

However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.

History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.

For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”

Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it. Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough

. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Bazia EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

1 week ago

March 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”

The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’ welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.

Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.

Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.

While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.

Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.

For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.

By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi