Opinion
Decongesting Our Prisons
One sore point in our justice adminis-tration system is the archaic nature of our prisons which are in dire need for reforms to make them meet civilised standards. Nigerian prisons have become so neglected by the Federal Government to the extent that the level of congestion there could pose a potential threat to the security of the country if not urgently tackled. It is toward reducing the high level of congestion in the prisons that the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Hon. Justice Ayotunde Phillips took the occasion of the commencement of the 2012/2013 legal year in the State to release a record 233 awaiting trial inmates at the Kirikiri Prisons. This kind gesture is also embarked upon by Chief Judges of the various states in their bid to reduce the over congestion in the prisons by releasing some hapless citizens who may have suffered more than is necessary in keeping with the fact that justice delayed is justice denied.
This is why the interest the Senate displayed recently on how to decongest the prisons is very commendable. The lawmakers are reportedly working on a bill that would enable them to keep a tab on detainees in Nigerian prisons with a view to facilitating the dispensation of justice as it affects them. There seems to be something amiss in a country which has 227 prisons with a total capacity to hold about 20,000 inmates, but which now reportedly accommodates about 51,000 as at December 2012. This situation becomes very depressing when one considers the inhuman manner in which some inmates could be held in our disused prisons. More worrisome is the situation whereby out of the 51,000 inmates 33,731, made up of 32,997 males and 734 females are awaiting trial and a good number of them may have been incarcerated for very long periods, some for very minor offences. This clearly shows that there is urgent need to tackle this seemingly intractable problem which move the Senate has rightly embarked upon in a country where over 1,000 citizens are rightly or wrongly hounded into one form of detention or the other daily. It is thus clear that our prisons are in want of decongestion. But to do a good job at it, we need to first understand why our prisons are congested because without finding out the root causes, there’ll be difficulty in prescribing solutions. For instance, some experts have blamed the delay in justice delivery to the situation where most of our judges and magistrates still write in long hand, while some fail to sit regularly for official or personal reasons.
They note that there is undue delay in the prosecution of criminal cases by the police in the magistrate courts because the police rarely have their witnesses ready in court, and must then ask for adjournment. Another cause of delay in justice delivery arises from the office of Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), when advice is sought in a case. The experts aver that this, at times takes months, even years to obtain, while the victims are languishing in detention because of some bureaucratic bottlenecks in the administration of justice.
Besides, it has been suggested that since ours is a federal state, states and even local governments should be allowed to build and run prisons too, because most of those being sent to prison or prison custody are being sent there by the state governments. This means that apart from decentralizing the prison system which for now is in the exclusive legislative list, more prisons should be built to decongest the existing ones while the control of prisons should be brought to the concurrent legislative list to allow ownership of private prisons as in developed countries. This position is supported by the Attorney-General of Jigawa State, Justice Tijani Inuwa – Dutse who canvassed that prison service management should not be left to the government alone, pointing out that private individuals who have the means should help in bringing about a conducive environment for inmates. “The prisons are supposed to be reformative, to reform somebody and make him have a sober reflection as well as keep somebody away from polluting the society. It is meant to make them repent and as well learn some trade in the process. Unfortunately, if you look at the whole arrangement under the Nigerian context, there is nothing than to keep on looking out for ways to improve the standard of our prisons”, Inuwa-Dutse lamented.
The foregoing, no doubt, coming from the Chief Law Officer of a state shows that even the officers engaged in the justice delivery system themselves are not comfortable with the condition of our prisons, which instead of being a reformatory of some sort have become a training ground for hardened criminals.
Unfortunately, there is no sign that the government is taking the steps necessary to overhaul our criminal justice system in order to wipe out the prolonged detention without trial syndrome that is ravaging the prisons. Granted that our development has not reached the stage where prison alternatives like probation, suspended sentence, and community service, which are currently absent in Nigeria’s civil justice system in non-violent offences, are applied much needs to be done and very quickly too to salvage what remains of the human dignity of inmates in the overcrowded Nigerian prisons. Thus far as the Senate and other concerned bodies strive to make the prisons in Nigeria grounds for reformation of criminals, there is need for attitudinal change by the officers charged with the administration of justice particularly, as it relates to prisons in order to salvage what remains of the human rights of inmates.
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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