Opinion
Biafra And The One-Nigeria Project
The emblazoned preamble of the Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution along with Section 2(1) which rhetorically provides “Nigeria is one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state to be known by the name of the Federal Republic of Nigeria” is clearly symptomatic of oneness. In reflection to a maxim, ‘unity is strength’, the aforementioned section is apt. Regrettably, events have continued to reduce the assertion to mere slogan or a deliberate sham. Based on the perception, President Muhammadu Buhari recently reechoed the indissolubleness of the nation in reaction to a sectional agitation for secession.
Disappointedly, the nation has continued to be measured by multiple legal systems; Criminal and Penal Codes applicable in the south and north respectively, and the Sharia law. This blooper itself clearly underscored aggregate disunity, solecism and disaster. In addition, the incessant homicides perpetrated against the southern indigenes particularly Igbos on account of religious extremism are inconsistent with nationhood. A population with such orchestrated, egoistic and unrealistic legal systems bombastically running against each other had ab initio lost its fundamentals on nationality.
Recently time, some Muslim extremists brutally murdered a businesswoman, Mrs. Bridget Aghahime, in front of her shop of several years in the north for alleged blasphemy. As reported, the five man-gang suspect arrested by the Police, in aberration were discharged by a Kano magistrate on the directive of the state’s Attorney General upon Director of Public Prosecution (DPP)’ s legal advice invoking Sec 211 which vests powers of nolle prosequie, but expected to meet certain prerequisites; on public interest, interest of justice and to prevent abuse of legal processes
Similarly, an evangelist, Eunice Elijah, was few months ago mercilessly hacked to death in Kubwa during an early hour’s evangelism in sync with her belief and fundamental right to religion. The litany of menfolk from the south resident in the north that were sent to early graves remains innumerable, in fact routinely witnessed as common incidents.
If indeed the suspects were released for whatever reasons, succinctly, a misnomer, condemnable, a gross pervastion of justice and obviously indicative that the one-Nigeria project is a myth. By releasing the culprits even when the mourners are emotionally down, a strong message is communicated assuring of intimidating backups to unleash more terrors to their innocent southern victims. These incongruities, absurdities and unruliness attest to the weakness of the project.
Pro-Biafra activist and Director of Radio Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu who was arrested by the Department of Security Services, (DSS) in October 2015 over his activities alongside his Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB initiative, over agitation for a sovereign state of Biafra, was earlier charged on conspiracy and terrorism. He was later granted bail by the Federal High Court, Abuja, but rearrested on other charges. Consequently, Kanu has since then remained in custody while applications and rejoinders by defense and prosecution counsels respectively have continued with the charades in the court.
The perceived Kanu’s abandonment by the elites, I believe, was on account of his miscalculation by prematurely embarking on the project at a wrong time. IPOB was launched immediately after the misconstrued tribesman, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan lost out in an election massively contested and participated by all the ethnic nationalities. Had it been the melee kicked-off as a result of the Fulani herdsmen’s brutal invasions, massacres and other intimidations of the Igbos, certainly, his support base would have recorded stronger forces in the geopolitical zone. Or had it resulted from the arbitrary killings of southern Christians in the north, undoubtedly, his arrest would have met a total resistance or anarchy. Thus, timing is pivotal in all adventures.
Democracy is largely moored on give and take. And certainly, a winner and loser must emerge. To keenly, unreservedly and liberally participate in the electoral process but refused to accept its outcomes on account of preference of a particular candidate as witnessed among Hillary Clinton’s supporters in the United States of America is weird, uncivilized and awkward. To freely participate attests to willingness to accept its outcomes provided in a free and fair contest.
Nevertheless, matters of this nature are better resolved politically with the leaders of the geopolitical zone. This would certainly address the issues amicably as one of the political turmils that usually occur in any multi-ethnic society in a developing society, and above all, strategically used as opportunity to attentively thwart such agitations in the future. Imperatively, to untiringly file fresh cases could amount to further marginalization of the south-east geopolitical zone putting into consideration that similar actions had taken place in the past in other geopolitical zones that never encountered the rate of imbalances the zone is subjected.
Fulani herdsmen had unleashed unprecedented, gigantic and excruciating mayhems that are offensive to entire humanity. Innocent citizens had been invaded while asleep at mid-nights right in their homes and brutally woken up by punctures of machetes, daggers, axes and hits of bullets leading to untimely deaths in cold-blood and massive injuries. What crime is greater than such heartless, barbarous and spiteful bestiality? Yet, no arrests talk less of detention or prosecution. Similar incidents had also severally occurred in the north through Arewa youths and others in the north.
Despite the nature of criminality, political resolution was adopted and all charges against them withdrawn. Suffice to say the federal government owes a duty to equitably extend the olive branch to the south-east geopolitical zone by releasing and dropping all charges against Kanu and all the political detainees rather than re-filing criminal charges. Government, at the same time, ought to unveil its plans towards redressing some of the injustices and imbalances in the polity that could justify such agitations in the future for enduring peace and stability. Undeniably, federal government’s presence is visibly, ineffably and unbearably absent in the southeast.
Umegboro is a public affairs analyst and publisher.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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