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Buhari, Boko Haram And The Bismarck (11)

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Not so in Nigeria. Although the Boko Haram terrorists were correctly identified as mortal threat to the country, the Presidency, then under Dr. Goodluck Jonathan,  treated the Boko Haram threat with appalling levity. Well meaning advice and warnings to deal firmly with the terrorists fell on deaf ears. So, Boko Haram festered. “1 treated them with kid gloves”, President Jonathan was to admit just before the 2015 presidential election.
And so, while the government fiddled, its Bismarck, the terrorists ran wild. They swarmed the north-east, shooting, bombing, razing whole villages at will. They slit throats on video, slaughtered, maimed and raped. As if these were not fiendish enough, horrified and scandalized citizens watched as the rag-tag terrorists made a huge joke of the military.  Its supposedly well-armed, well-trained internationally recognized fighting men were ignominiously sent scurrying to safer havens in neighboring countries with the terrorists hot on their heels!.
Just in case anyone doubted their reach and capability, the scoundrels bombed the Police Force Headquarters and even the United Nations’ building, all in far away Abuja, the country’s capital. And to rub it in, they brazenly kidnapped over 250 girls from a girls secondary school in Chibok right under the nose of security agents. It just couldn’t get worse!
This was the dismal situation when Major Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) took over in May, 2015 as President. Like the British Admiralty, President Buhari also correctly identified Boko Haram as a national threat. He too was strong willed, decisive and prompt in his redressive actions.
First, like Britain, he forged a strong military alliance with neighbouring countries like Niger, Chad, Cameroun, even Benin Republic. Thus emerged the multi-national joint military task force against Boko Haram. To Nigeria was conceded the task force command. And for that top job, President Buhari chose Tukur Yusuf Buratai, a not-so-much known Major General at the Defence Headquarters. That done, he released $100 million to the task force as part of Nigeria’s contribution.
Secondly, in August, 2015, he re-organized the military’s top hierarchy. New Service Chiefs were brought on board. Gen. Abayomi Olanisakin became Chief of Defence Staff  (CDS); Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas for the Navy and Air Marshal Saddique Abubakar for the Air Force. The Army? Here, President Buhari had a second thought. He recalled Major General Buratai from international duties and handed him the captainship band of the army.
The appointment of Marshal Abubakar and Gen. Buratai, though criticized by a legion of small minds, was to prove a masterstroke. Both men are indigenes of north-east. They were born and grew up there. They know the terrain like the back of their hands. The people would find it easier to relate with them. Besides, they have personal grudges against the insurgents. While Buratai had his village repeatedly attacked and his house razed, Abubakar was said to have lost some relations to the scoundrels of Sambisa.
With the Service Chiefs on their driving seats, President Buhari took the third step. He directed the relocation of the military’s operations command headquarters to Maiduguri, right in the theatre of war. With this, Buratai and Abubakar had  thier jobs pretty cut out.
Next, the President addressed the huge morale deficit among the military’s fighting men. You can’t successfully prosecute a war with thoroughly dispirited and poorly armed fighters. So, top priority was given to soldiers’ welfare and arsenal. How Buratai, within so short a time, turned around this seemingly insoluble moral deficit should be a topic for another day.
Suffice to say that in just two months, the troops’ morale soared right above the mountains and forests of the north-east. Well motivated, well armed and with their COAS right with them day-in, night-out, sometimes right there in the trench, the troops were roaring to go. And what with Abubakar’s air-warriors waiting on their wings, all primed up and waiting!
More meetings with the Service Chiefs followed. Satisfied with preparations and positive progress made, President Buhari in October, 2015, like The Admiralty’s First Sea Lord,  ordered Buratai and Abubakar: “Go! Sink the Sambisa Bismarcks! I don’t care what it takes, and how you do it. Just flush those demons out of Sambisa latest December!”
Buratai told the troops he would lead them with the operational battle cry: “Lafia Dole!” (Peace by force!) and they went. Full blast too!  It wasn’t long before the Sambisa Bismarcks found out they were up against Buratai’s new-look army. The relentless pounding of their camps and columns by Sadiqq Abubakar’s Alpha jets and Puma helicopters did not help their morale either. By December, 2015, all the local government areas occupied by the terrorists had been liberated. Roads linking the country with its neighbours were cleared and re­opened to traffic. In the process, thousands of  Boko Haram hostage victims were set free. It was the turn of the terrorists to flee in disarray.
Thousands of them were killed or captured. Many more surrendered; large caches of arms were either destroyed or captured. Such were the outstanding successes of the Sarnbisa campaign that an elated President Buhari told an equally grateful country that the Boko Haram insurgents’ war capability had been severely degraded. They are no longer militarily strong enough to challenge the control of any portion of Nigeria’s territory.
Certainly, the sinking of The Bismarck by the British Navy did not automatically end the naval war between Britain and Germany. Nor did it end the world war. But it gave Britain and allies the upper hand in the control of sea traffic including the strategic convoy corridors.  This allowed for the free flow of weapons and raw materials, all of which were very critical to the eventual outcome of the war.
In the same way, the degrading of the Boko Haram by December,  2015 did not mean the end of the war. But it left them considerably weaker. The military kept up the pressure and only last December, exactly twelve months after, the army announced the capture of Camp Zero, the main operational headquarters of the terrorists. There’s been euphoria of victory since the announcement.  Congratulatory messages have since been pouring in. Govemments, organizations and individuals, home and abroad, have been congratulating the President, the military especially the army, the air force and their commanders, Lt. Gen Buratai and Air Marshal Abubakar.
As it stands, Gen Buratai and Marshal Abubakar have successfully sunk the Bismarcks of Sambisa Forest. Notwithstanding the on-going mop up operations, “Lafia” (peace) “Dole” (by force) has largely returned to the north-east. The mop up will end with the total lock down of the forest to forestall possible regrouping of the defeated fleeing terrorists.
The battle for the north-east and Sambisa has been won. But not the war which has only entered anew, more dangerous stage. The insurgents have been defeated militarily, but not eliminated. As remnants of them flee, they carry with them all the bittemess and hate grudges of the vanquished. They cannot be trusted to resist the temptation to strike back individually or in splinter groups of twos or threes. In which case, centres of high population density can reasonably be expected to be the next theaters of the war.
The Sambisa Bismarcks have actually sailed into the cities bidding their time.  For the Police, Department of State Service, the civil defence organization, the Immigration Service, Customs Service and the public at large therefore, the time to start ferreting them out and sink them is now!
Concluded.
Uhor,  Vice President-General, Rivers State Council for Islamic Affairs, wrote from Port Harcourt.

 

Nasir Awhelebe Uhor

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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