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Buhari, Boko Haram And The Bismarck (11)

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Not so in Nigeria. Although the Boko Haram terrorists were correctly identified as mortal threat to the country, the Presidency, then under Dr. Goodluck Jonathan,  treated the Boko Haram threat with appalling levity. Well meaning advice and warnings to deal firmly with the terrorists fell on deaf ears. So, Boko Haram festered. “1 treated them with kid gloves”, President Jonathan was to admit just before the 2015 presidential election.
And so, while the government fiddled, its Bismarck, the terrorists ran wild. They swarmed the north-east, shooting, bombing, razing whole villages at will. They slit throats on video, slaughtered, maimed and raped. As if these were not fiendish enough, horrified and scandalized citizens watched as the rag-tag terrorists made a huge joke of the military.  Its supposedly well-armed, well-trained internationally recognized fighting men were ignominiously sent scurrying to safer havens in neighboring countries with the terrorists hot on their heels!.
Just in case anyone doubted their reach and capability, the scoundrels bombed the Police Force Headquarters and even the United Nations’ building, all in far away Abuja, the country’s capital. And to rub it in, they brazenly kidnapped over 250 girls from a girls secondary school in Chibok right under the nose of security agents. It just couldn’t get worse!
This was the dismal situation when Major Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) took over in May, 2015 as President. Like the British Admiralty, President Buhari also correctly identified Boko Haram as a national threat. He too was strong willed, decisive and prompt in his redressive actions.
First, like Britain, he forged a strong military alliance with neighbouring countries like Niger, Chad, Cameroun, even Benin Republic. Thus emerged the multi-national joint military task force against Boko Haram. To Nigeria was conceded the task force command. And for that top job, President Buhari chose Tukur Yusuf Buratai, a not-so-much known Major General at the Defence Headquarters. That done, he released $100 million to the task force as part of Nigeria’s contribution.
Secondly, in August, 2015, he re-organized the military’s top hierarchy. New Service Chiefs were brought on board. Gen. Abayomi Olanisakin became Chief of Defence Staff  (CDS); Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas for the Navy and Air Marshal Saddique Abubakar for the Air Force. The Army? Here, President Buhari had a second thought. He recalled Major General Buratai from international duties and handed him the captainship band of the army.
The appointment of Marshal Abubakar and Gen. Buratai, though criticized by a legion of small minds, was to prove a masterstroke. Both men are indigenes of north-east. They were born and grew up there. They know the terrain like the back of their hands. The people would find it easier to relate with them. Besides, they have personal grudges against the insurgents. While Buratai had his village repeatedly attacked and his house razed, Abubakar was said to have lost some relations to the scoundrels of Sambisa.
With the Service Chiefs on their driving seats, President Buhari took the third step. He directed the relocation of the military’s operations command headquarters to Maiduguri, right in the theatre of war. With this, Buratai and Abubakar had  thier jobs pretty cut out.
Next, the President addressed the huge morale deficit among the military’s fighting men. You can’t successfully prosecute a war with thoroughly dispirited and poorly armed fighters. So, top priority was given to soldiers’ welfare and arsenal. How Buratai, within so short a time, turned around this seemingly insoluble moral deficit should be a topic for another day.
Suffice to say that in just two months, the troops’ morale soared right above the mountains and forests of the north-east. Well motivated, well armed and with their COAS right with them day-in, night-out, sometimes right there in the trench, the troops were roaring to go. And what with Abubakar’s air-warriors waiting on their wings, all primed up and waiting!
More meetings with the Service Chiefs followed. Satisfied with preparations and positive progress made, President Buhari in October, 2015, like The Admiralty’s First Sea Lord,  ordered Buratai and Abubakar: “Go! Sink the Sambisa Bismarcks! I don’t care what it takes, and how you do it. Just flush those demons out of Sambisa latest December!”
Buratai told the troops he would lead them with the operational battle cry: “Lafia Dole!” (Peace by force!) and they went. Full blast too!  It wasn’t long before the Sambisa Bismarcks found out they were up against Buratai’s new-look army. The relentless pounding of their camps and columns by Sadiqq Abubakar’s Alpha jets and Puma helicopters did not help their morale either. By December, 2015, all the local government areas occupied by the terrorists had been liberated. Roads linking the country with its neighbours were cleared and re­opened to traffic. In the process, thousands of  Boko Haram hostage victims were set free. It was the turn of the terrorists to flee in disarray.
Thousands of them were killed or captured. Many more surrendered; large caches of arms were either destroyed or captured. Such were the outstanding successes of the Sarnbisa campaign that an elated President Buhari told an equally grateful country that the Boko Haram insurgents’ war capability had been severely degraded. They are no longer militarily strong enough to challenge the control of any portion of Nigeria’s territory.
Certainly, the sinking of The Bismarck by the British Navy did not automatically end the naval war between Britain and Germany. Nor did it end the world war. But it gave Britain and allies the upper hand in the control of sea traffic including the strategic convoy corridors.  This allowed for the free flow of weapons and raw materials, all of which were very critical to the eventual outcome of the war.
In the same way, the degrading of the Boko Haram by December,  2015 did not mean the end of the war. But it left them considerably weaker. The military kept up the pressure and only last December, exactly twelve months after, the army announced the capture of Camp Zero, the main operational headquarters of the terrorists. There’s been euphoria of victory since the announcement.  Congratulatory messages have since been pouring in. Govemments, organizations and individuals, home and abroad, have been congratulating the President, the military especially the army, the air force and their commanders, Lt. Gen Buratai and Air Marshal Abubakar.
As it stands, Gen Buratai and Marshal Abubakar have successfully sunk the Bismarcks of Sambisa Forest. Notwithstanding the on-going mop up operations, “Lafia” (peace) “Dole” (by force) has largely returned to the north-east. The mop up will end with the total lock down of the forest to forestall possible regrouping of the defeated fleeing terrorists.
The battle for the north-east and Sambisa has been won. But not the war which has only entered anew, more dangerous stage. The insurgents have been defeated militarily, but not eliminated. As remnants of them flee, they carry with them all the bittemess and hate grudges of the vanquished. They cannot be trusted to resist the temptation to strike back individually or in splinter groups of twos or threes. In which case, centres of high population density can reasonably be expected to be the next theaters of the war.
The Sambisa Bismarcks have actually sailed into the cities bidding their time.  For the Police, Department of State Service, the civil defence organization, the Immigration Service, Customs Service and the public at large therefore, the time to start ferreting them out and sink them is now!
Concluded.
Uhor,  Vice President-General, Rivers State Council for Islamic Affairs, wrote from Port Harcourt.

 

Nasir Awhelebe Uhor

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A Renewing Optimism For Naira

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Quote:”……in 2024 alone, Nigeria imported N14.14 trillion worth of goods from China, compared to China’s N3 trillion imports from Nigeria.”
Nigeria’s national currency, the Naira, is creating a new buzz as it sets on rising trends following years of astronomical slides in the recent past. Just within a few months ago, naira’s trajectory charted almost a straight course, strengthening from N1,636.71/$ on April 10, 2025, to N1,465.68/$ on October 2, 2025. But financial analysts appear divided over the future fate of the local legal tender.While analysts like the Forbes and Renaissance Capital Africa (RENCAP) deride naira’s current trends as being unsustainable, Bloomberg sees a sunnier side. However, evolving economic landscapes strongly suggest that the naira might be charting a sustainable path of resilience. For more than four decades, the naira had never experienced favourable Foreign Exchange (FX) tussles.
Suffering under skewed supply and demand tensions against foreign currencies, the value of the naira had procedurally depreciated. It got worse when, at the height of subsidized petroleum products import-dependence, subsidies got suddenly withdrawn in May 2023 as the present government took over office. Barring local production of the products, coupled with poor export earnings, demands for scarce foreign currencies surged at all FX windows as product importers competed to make overseas payments. The result was cataclysmic. The naira depreciated rapidly against the dollar, falling from N460.7/$ in May 2023 to N1,706/$ in 2024. Hardships propagated across the entire Nigerian economy in ripples of hyper-inflation as is still being felt. The initial response from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) was knee-jerk and unsustainable, as the regulator kept throwing its store of foreign reserve into FX markets to quench the ensuing inferno.
 Though the naira showed buoyancy at the expense of depleting reserves, the CBN was criticized against the hopelessness and unsustainability of such artificial floats. Thankfully for the local currency, after months of fire-fighting, the CBN, aided by other lucky developments, may have stumbled unto some formulae to weather the storms. Emerging econometrics now suggest that the economy may be in recovery, and the naira appears to be charting a more optimistic course, even as the apex bank still prods it. The lower oil production data of around one million barrels per day as at May 2023, has improved to around 1.51 million barrels per day at the moment. Surely, the fight against oil thefts is rewarding the economy with surpluses unencumbered by Nigeria’s debt-mortgaged oil futures.bSecondly, a changed petroleum products sourcing landscape, berthed by new-found local refining capacity at Dangote Refinery, if not strengthening the naira, must be tipping the balance of FX pressures in its favour.
While asserting its ability to fully satisfy local demands, the Dangote Refinery also hit a remarkable milestone when it shipped its first cargo of gasoline to the United States of America last month, drawing-in huge FX. Earlier, the refiners had shipped to Asia and West Africa, in a significant shift that has transited Nigeria from being a net-importer of petroleum product, to a net-exporter. Also, improvements in the non-oil exports are increasing the inflow of foreign currencies to Nigeria. Nigerian cocoa and other agro-products especially, got higher demands as crop diseases resulted in poor crop yields in neighboring West African countries. It should be noteworthy that CBN’s experiments with Naira-Yuan trade swaps with China may not have been of much favour. Though on-going trade swap arrangements between Nigerian and China which enable some settlement in naira and yuan, may ease dollar pressures, the huge trade imbalance between Nigeria and China may replace any gains with new yuan pressures.
 According to the National Bureau of Statistics, in 2024 alone, Nigeria imported N14.14 trillion worth of goods from China, compared to China’s N3 trillion imports from Nigeria.
However, the CBN could be given credits for its bold reforms at the Foreign Exchange market that created a single Nigerian Foreign Exchange Market (NFEM) in October 2023, which replaced the former Investors’ and Exporters’ window, and later adopting the Electronic Foreign Exchange Matching System (EFEMS) in December 2024. These steps successfully narrowed the gap between official FX rates and the black market. Even as the measures may not directly detect the balance of currency demands and supplies, improved transparency and liquidity raised confidence that is boosting foreign remittances via official channels. Added to improved exports, it is evident that the extra liquidity gives spontaneous buoyancy to the naira, in ways CBN’s panicked throwing-in of dollar into FX markets could not have.
This is why, when the CBN Governor, Olayemi Cardoso, announced during the 302nd monetary policy committee meeting that, “The second quarter 2025 current account balance recorded a significant surplus of $5.28 billion compared with $2.85 billion in first quarter of 2025,” there is need for him to identify significant drivers. The CBN deserves commendation also, for incrementally growing Nigeria’s Foreign Reserve savings from $34.39 billion as at May, 2023 to $42.40 as at October 2, 2025. The strength of a nation’s reserves reflects its ability to meet international payment obligations without straining the stability of its legal tender, and also serves as part of risk assessment criteria that determines its borrowing costs. Increasing reserves is projecting greater external resilience for Nigeria, which reflects in Moody’s upgrading, this year, of Nigeria’s rating from ‘Caa1’ to ‘B3.’
With renewed investor confidence, foreign investments may be heading towards Nigeria as ripples from the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NGX) suggest. Following recent interest rate cuts in the US, foreign investors appear to be shifting appetites towards Nigerian portfolios. Improved reserve is also helping Nigeria at the Eurobond market, where the yield rates Nigeria pays on its loans, have fallen from above 8 percent in early 2024 to just over 5 percent by mid-2025. However, even as the N1,706/$ exchange rate of last year, compared to the current N1,465.68/$, may seem cheery, it is still a far cry from the N460.7/$ of May 2023, when this administration took over. Government and the CBN need to push further to shore-up greater reserves, and to build local and international assurances that attract job-creating investments for local production. Comparatively among its pairs, South Africa’s reserve is $70.42 billion, Algeria’s, $64.574 billion and Egypt’s, $49.04 billion.
Nigeria, which is being projected for a $1 trillion economy by 2050, should be focusing on $100 billion external reserves. Apart from reserves, Dangote local refining shows that local production is pivotal to the value of local currencies. Nigeria needs to improve security and infrastructure to reassure subsisting industries, and improve ease of doing business, in order to attract industries. Though Naira’s path of recovery this time is sustainable, the factors that aid it need to be sustained.
By: Joseph Nwankwor
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Don’t Kill Tam David-West

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Quote:”To erase Tam David-West Boulevard is to tell a dangerous lie about who we are. It is to pretend that we no longer remember honour, that we no longer care about the rare men who made Rivers State proud.”
There are names that do not fade with time — they endure like echoes in the hills of memory, like rivers that never dry. Tamunoemi Sokari David-West is one such name. To attempt to erase it from the map of Rivers State is to wound the spirit of remembrance itself. The deliberate removal of the steel signs that once declared Tam David-West Boulevard is no mere act of neglect — it is a betrayal of history, an unspoken attempt to silence a voice that still teaches us what integrity means. For Tam David-West was not just a man; he was a moral compass in flesh and bone. His life was a lantern held high in a country struggling to see itself clearly. From the quiet sanctums of the University of Ibadan to the volatile chambers of power in Lagos and Abuja, he walked unbent — the scholar who would not sell truth, the minister who would not mortgage his soul. To erase his name from a road in the land of his birth is to declare that virtue is no longer welcome here.
That road — the grand link between NTA road and the Port Harcourt International Airport — was named after him for a reason. It symbolized movement, progress, and passage. Tam David-West was himself a bridge: between science and service, intellect and honesty, courage and humility. To strike out that name is to tear down the bridge between our noble past and the moral future we still hope to build. When Nigeria’s oil wealth became the golden snare that trapped men’s conscience, Tam David-West stood apart. As Minister of Petroleum, he refused the seductive gifts of oil magnates; he declined privileges that came wrapped in corruption. He wore simplicity like a medal, and truth like a robe. In an age of thieves, he remained a teacher. In a field of compromises, he remained whole. Shall we now bury that lesson beneath the dust of forgetfulness? A city tells its story through its street names.
 Names are not just labels — they are memory made visible, value made public. To erase Tam David-West Boulevard is to tell a dangerous lie about who we are. It is to pretend that we no longer remember honour, that we no longer care about the rare men who made Rivers State proud. History does not forgive such silences. This quiet removal of his name is not accidental. It is the work of small minds afraid of great examples. It is an unholy attempt to kill memory because it still condemns mediocrity. But let them know — Tam David-West cannot be erased. His truth was not written on road signs alone; it is engraved on the conscience of all who ever believed that public service could be clean.He was a son of Buguma, a prince of the Kalabari Kingdom, yet he carried his royalty lightly. His true crown was knowledge; his true sceptre was conviction. As a virologist, he studied the world of unseen forces; as a statesman, he confronted the visible viruses of greed and hypocrisy.
 Even when power imprisoned him, it could not diminish him. He emerged, as always, with his dignity intact.This fight is not for a signboard. It is for remembrance — for the preservation of a moral landmark. When a people begin to uproot the monuments of their best men, they invite darkness upon their future. When we forget Tam David-West, we lose not only a name but a mirror: the reflection of what Rivers people once were — strong, principled, unbending in truth. Once upon a time, Rivers State was the cradle of conscience — the home of Okilo, Obi Wali, Ken Saro-Wiwa, Diete-Spiff, and Tam David-West. They were the pillars of our collective dignity. To erase one is to weaken the others. We cannot afford to become a generation that builds roads but destroys remembrance. A city that forgets its heroes soon forgets itself. Today, the boulevard stands in silence.
The proud steel markers have been hewn down, yet a few businesses still bear his name — small flames of resistance in the wind of revision. Their signboards still whisper, Tam David-West Boulevard, as if the very ground remembers the truth the government forgets. Perhaps the asphalt itself mourns, but it also remembers. We owe it to our children to lift his name again — not only in metal and paint, but in civic memory. Let those signs rise taller, brighter, unashamed. Let them tell every traveller on that road that once there lived a Rivers man who served with clean hands, who spoke truth to power, who never bowed to corruption. That, indeed, is the Rivers spirit — fearless, dignified, incorruptible.“Don’t kill Tam David-West!” is not only a plea; it is a command from the heart of history. It is a cry against forgetfulness. It is a reminder that integrity is the greatest heritage any people can keep.
When we defend his name, we defend our own possibility of goodness. When we erase him, we erase a piece of our own honour. So let the signs return. Let the name Tam David-West Boulevard shine once more at NTA Road and Omagwa Roundabout. Let Rivers State rise above pettiness and reclaim its conscience. For names like Tam David-West do not die — they only wait for courage to call them back. To kill Tam David-West is to kill the Rivers soul. And that, we must never do.Amieyeofori Ibim is a seasoned Journalist, political analyst and public affairs commentator.
By:  Amieyeofori Ibim
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians

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From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.

 

Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.

The Subsidy Question

The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.

While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.

A Critical Economic View

As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.

  1. Structural Miscalculation

Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.

  1. Neglect of Social Safety Nets

Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.

  1. Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives

Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.

Political and Public Concerns

Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.

This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.

Broader Implications

The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:

  • Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
  • Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
  • Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
  • Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
  • Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.

In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.

Missed Opportunities

Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:

  • Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
  • Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
  • Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
  • Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.

Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.

Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face

Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.

Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.

Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.

Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.

References

  • National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
  • National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
  • World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
  • World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
  • OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.

 

By: Amarachi Amaugo

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