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Ambazonia, Separatists And Internet Democracy (I)

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A Biafra-like agitation for independence has been unfolding in neighbouring Republic of Cameroon since November 2016. The people of Northern and Southern Cameroons under the umbrella of the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Consortium United Front (SCACUF) finally decided to affirm the independence of the English-speaking sections of Cameroon from the Republic.
Like the Indigenous People of Biafra, the Ambazonians as they have called themselves since 1984, are protesting against their alleged marginalization by the dominant Francophone Cameroon and the Paul Biya government in Yaounde.
They insist that whereas oil is found in the English-speaking South Western part of Cameroon, the central government has practically neglected the region, and the people have been turned into “slaves” on their own soil.
Like the Biafran movement in Nigeria, they have their own flag (white and blue) and a national anthem. The Cameroonian Anglophones claim that their struggle is non-violent and peaceful but they will insist on their independence, and the declaration of their own Republic.
They further argue that whereas French and English are the official languages of Cameroon, the central government has imposed French as the language to be spoken in Anglophone Cameroon. They insist on their right to speak English.
After World War 1, the League of Nations shared the geographical territory known as Cameroon between the French and the British. The latter administered its own share from Nigeria.
On October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained independence from Britain. British Cameroon had a choice between joining Nigeria or Cameroon. In a referendum conducted in 1961, the people of British Cameroon chose to join French-speaking Cameroon to form a Federation. But the planned federal system never really worked.
In 1972, Cameroon changed its name to the United Republic of Cameroon. In 1984, the word “United” was removed from the country’s name by the Paul Biya administration, thus, adopting the pre-unification name of French Cameroon and effectively raising fears of alienation among English-speaking Cameroonians.
Colonialism and its legacy may have been the foundation of many of the crises in post-colonial African states, but poor governance, ethnicity, competition over power and national resources, religion and sheer leadership incompetence have done worse damage.
Post-colonial African leaders have failed to act as statesmen but as new colonialists adopting in West Africa, the twin colonial policies of divide and rule and assimilation.
Cameroon has been a long-suffering country, first under former President Ahmadu Ahidjo and especially under 84-year old Paul Biya, who has been President for 35 years.
It is ironic that 56 years after the country became a Republic, English-speaking Cameroonians are fighting against the seeming attempt by their French-speaking compatriots to “assimilate” and “marginalize” them. The two Cameroons are fighting over the language of the colonialists, national resources, and power-relations.
On Sunday, October 1, 2017, Sisiku AyukTabe, Chairman of the Southern Cameroons Governing Council, formally declared the independence of Southern Cameroons or the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.
“We, the people of Southern Cameroons are slaves to no one”, he said, “Not now, not ever again! Today we reaffirm autonomy over our heritage and over our territory…It is time to tell Yaounde that enough is enough!”
The response from Yaounde has been characteristic. Weeks before the protests and the declaration of independence in Southern Cameroons, soldiers were sent to the region to shoot in the air, prevent rallies, and intimidate the people. Several  persons have so far been killed.
“This division will never happen”, says Cameroon’s Communications Minister, Issa Tchiooma Bakary, speaking for the central government. Just like IPOB and Nigeria? Yes.
Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a wave of nationalist agitations across the world resulting in self-determination, secession and partitions, and the emergence of new countries. But self-determination or secession is not an automatic process, and it is not in every instance that the protests result in the Nirvana that the separatists seek.
In Cameroon, the Biya administration must get off its high horse and engage the leaders of the separatist movement in dialogue. The international community must prevail on him to put an end to the abuse of human rights and the killings in Southern Cameroon. It is the refusal of the central government to address the grievances of the people of Southern Cameroon that has brought Cameroon to this moment.
To quote AyukTabe, again: “The union was always intended to be a union of two equals. Unfortunately, what our peace-loving people have experienced ever since is oppression, subterfuge, discrimination, violence, intimidation, imprisonment, forced occupation, cultural genocide and misappropriation of our natural resources by the leaders of the Republic of Cameroun.”
It is instructive to note the similarity between the expressed concerns of the Ambazonian movement and similar movements in recent times in other parts of the world, and the attitude of the governments in power.
In Spain (the Catalan secessionist movement), Nigeria (the Biafra movement) and Iraq (the Iraqi Kurdistan) – the Catalans have held a referendum to leave Spain, but the Spanish government says this is “unconstitutional.”
Biafrans want a referendum in Nigeria – the government says this is unconstitutional because Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable. The Kurds also want to get out of Iraq, but the central government is opposed to it on the grounds that the September 25 referendum is unilateral and unconstitutional!
It is not just rhetoric that is involved, the military is deployed, violence is unleashed on separatists or critics of the extant union and the government. While these may seem to be traditional responses, the assault on the human rights of protesters now includes an increasingly important territory: the internet.
The internet is perhaps the most striking phenomenon of the century, in the manner in which it has extended the frontiers of human freedom and expression. It is the most modernist icon of globalisation and the borderlessness of space and time.

Abati, a Public Affairs Analyst, was Special Adviser on Media to former President Goodluck Jonathan.
The internet does not know fear. It is an irreverent tool of political mobilization, commerce and social networking. It is the public mind in motion, and the anonymity that it offers in certain forms makes it a strong instrument of revolt.
Elections can be won or lost, governments can be pulled down or popularized, through the mind of the internet. Given its power, reach, and impact, dictators are uncomfortable with the democracy of the internet which has proven to be much stronger than dictatorships, tyrants and intolerant governments. The relationship between the internet and authority has therefore been one of unease and distrust.
The result has been the attempt by intolerant governments and political figures to control the internet, shut it down or violate the rights of its users. China has an internet police that filters internet traffic.
In 2011, Egypt tried to stop the people’s revolution by shutting down the internet. Tunisia, Italy, North Korea, Syria, Iran, Libya, India, Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, Maldives, Iraq are other countries where the internet has been censored in one form or the other or completely shut down.
The degree of civil society repression varies from one country to the other, but the excuse for abridging internet democracy could be as ridiculous as saying that the internet had to be shut down in order to prevent cheating in students’ examinations as has been the case in Iraq and Ethiopia.
Generally, shutting down the internet has become the new mode of repression and a standard response to dissent. African states and governments have joined the trend. In the last year alone, 11 African governments have shut down the internet in one form or the other.
These include the Democratic Republic of Congo (ostensibly to reduce the capacity to transmit “abusive messages,” but actually to stop the people from opposing President Joseph Kabila’s attempt to prolong his tenure); Gambia (a few days to the 2016 elections), Togo (to check protests against President Faure Gnassingbe, and the people’s request for multi-party elections and Presidential term-limits), Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Egypt, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Morocco.
In Nigeria, there has also been so much official discomfort with what is termed “hate speech” on social media platforms particularly whatsapp, instagram, blogs, and twitter. One lawmaker even proposed a Social Media Bill which criminalises internet democracy.
The worst anti-internet culprit so far in Africa would be in my view, not Egypt (where the revolution succeeded in spite of the repression) but Paul Biya’s Cameroon where intolerance and unpleasantness have been elevated to the level of state policy.
In January, the government of Cameroon shut down the internet in English-speaking parts of the country. This lasted for more than three months. This has again been repeated. It is unacceptable.
The cost of internet shutdowns is enormous and disruptive, and the gain for governments is so small. The free flow of information is breached, the targeting of specific regions as in Cameroun is discriminatory; the right to free speech is violated, along with other rights: association, choice, and freedom of thought.
The UN Human Rights Council in 2012, 2014 and again in July 2016, resolved that “the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online”, and all states must refrain from taking such measures that can violate internet freedom. The African Union Declaration on Internet Governance (Algiers, February 13, 2017) is on all fours with this UN Resolution. The UN should go further and impose sanctions on countries that violate internet freedom.
Worse, businesses suffer in the event of an internet shutdown. Internet services are accessed through broadbands provided by mobile telecom companies. When such companies are asked to shut down their services, they easily comply out of fear of being blackmailed by the government. They can be accused of supporting terrorism, for example! By co-operating, they incur losses, part of which they may eventually pass to their subscribers.
Similarly, with growing internet penetration in Africa, so many other businesses are dependent on the internet. Indeed, the internet is increasingly a shopping mall – for bloggers, advertisers, consultants and the average consumer of services. An internet shutdown in the light of this, undermines economic growth and development. Human dignity and relationships are also affected. The internet is a networking tool, so much so that many families depend on it for contact and interaction, and many individuals on it for survival.
Shutting down the internet rolls back the gains of the democratization process in Africa. African countries seeking growth and investment in the telecommunication sector, and within the economy generally shoot themselves in the foot when they seek to destroy such a significant tool.
Internet registries worldwide should sanction errant governments which deny their citizens access to the internet. Men of conscience and thought leaders should speak out against the growing trend of internet shutdown or violation by African governments.
In Nigeria, we must continue to discourage the government from ever contemplating any such misadventure. I am not in any way recommending, by this article a “sovereignty of the internet” in the sense in which John Perry Barlow, an internet activist spoke, when he issued “A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace” (1996). Rather, I urge the protection of the democracy of the internet and this democracy is about rights, obligations and the rule of law.
To return to the politics of imperialism and dissidence in Cameroon, Nigeria (for strategic reasons – the proposed Ambazonia being a buffer zone between Nigeria and Cameroon), ECOWAS and the African Union should intervene early to prevent an outbreak of social and humanitarian crisis, if not chaos in North West and South West Cameroon. The feuding parties should be encouraged to go to the negotiating table. What is going on in that country is as much a Cameroonian problem as it is a Nigerian problem.
Abati, a public affairs analyst, was Special Adviser on Media to former President Goodluck Jonathan

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Policy Intervention: More Than Administrative Reform  

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Quote:”This policy intervention proves that education reform is not just about administration, but about restoring dignity, equity, and integrity to the learning process.”
On September 24, 2025, the article” A Growing Emergency: How Marked-Up Textbooks Are Sabotaging Nigeria’s School Children”, written by King Onunwo, was published in The Tide Newspaper. In the said article, the writer expressed pains in what he viewed as ‘a silent but damaging practice’  taking root in homes across Nigeria,  one that threatens the academic future of millions of children in primary and secondary schools. From the paintings of the writer,  this seemingly minor convenience where older siblings complete their homeworks directly inside their school textbooks, may seem  harmless on the surface. On the contrary, it is creating a dangerous ripple effect. What used to be a normal practice—siblings reusing textbooks year after year to ease the financial burden on families—has now turned into a nightmare. The writer could best describe its impact in our educational system as a stumbling block for students, and a ticking time bomb for the education system and to say the least, a  source of distress for countless parents.
The core message of the article is that writing homework and classwork inside textbooks has evolved from a harmless household habit into a national educational crisis that is quietly undermining learning outcomes in Nigeria. Specifically, the article argues that: marked-up textbooks sabotage learning by denying younger students the opportunity to think independently, practice problem-solving, and engage meaningfully with lessons. Economic hardship has normalized textbook reuse, but misuse has turned a cost-saving strategy into an educational disadvantage. The problem is systemic, not merely individual, reflecting failures in policy enforcement, public awareness, and educational support structures. Hence, government’s intervention is urgently required, including regulations, awareness campaigns, textbook audits, penalties, and subsidized writing materials.
Violation of education equity  was also fingered as children are academically punished due to circumstances beyond their control—birth order and family income. King Onunwo opined that small oversights can cause large-scale damage, and ignoring such “minor” issues threatens Nigeria’s broader educational goals. Ultimately, he   called for a national textbook integrity policy to protect learning materials and ensure fairness in education. Deductively, the writer ‘s feelings and emotional tone  conveyed a deep concern and alarm, repeatedly framing  the issue as a “growing emergency,” “ticking time bomb,” and “quiet academic crisis.” which signals a genuine fear  that the problem if unchecked, may have irreversible consequences.
The writer ‘s tone is outrightly that of an advocate, not a neutral observer,  speaking with a strong sense of justice, emphasizing on  education  as  a right, meaning that children should not be academically disadvantaged by family circumstances, hence, the need for society  to protect educational tools.The repeated calls for “immediate,” “urgent,” and “no time to waste” action showed impatience with delays and excuses. The writer believes every academic term lost worsens the damage. It is not just about textbooks—it is about educational dignity, equality, and systemic responsibility. The closing metaphor (“the handwriting is on the wall”) reinforces the writer’s belief that the consequences are already visible and that failure to act would be inexcusable. By responding decisively to growing concerns around the misuse and rising cost of learning materials, the Federal Government has demonstrated that thoughtful advocacy still matters—and that public interest writing can indeed influence policy in meaningful ways.
The recently unveiled education policy banning disposable workbooks and mandating the use of durable, reusable textbooks is a commendable step in the right direction. It directly addresses the very issues raised by King Onunwo and other concerned writers and parents who have long warned about the silent damage being done to Nigeria’s school children through poorly designed textbook practices and unchecked misuse of learning materials. For years, families—especially those with multiple children—have struggled under the weight of repeated textbook purchases. Worse still, the culture of writing directly into textbooks turned what should have been reusable learning tools into single-use items, sabotaging younger siblings who inherited books already filled with answers, errors, and confusion. The new policy does not merely reduce costs; it restores the integrity of textbooks as reference materials meant to guide thinking, not replace it.
By insisting on standardized, high-quality textbooks designed to last four to six years, the government has effectively validated the core argument of education advocates: that sustainability, affordability, and quality learning are deeply interconnected. The decision to prohibit the bundling of disposable workbooks—often used as a commercial tactic to force annual purchases—is particularly laudable. It signals a shift away from profit-driven educational practices toward child-centered learning. Equally important is the policy’s emphasis on strengthening assessment and quality assurance for instructional materials. This tackles another long-standing problem: superficial textbook revisions that compel parents to buy “new editions” without meaningful improvements in content. Such practices have eroded trust in the system and placed unnecessary financial strain on households already stretched thin.
Beyond textbooks, the introduction of a uniform academic calendar and the rationalization of graduation ceremonies show a broader sensitivity to the hidden costs of schooling. These reforms recognize that education expenses are not limited to fees alone but are compounded by traditions and inconsistencies that quietly drain family resources. This policy intervention is more than administrative reform; it is proof that government can listen, reflect, and act when issues are clearly articulated and grounded in lived realities. It affirms the value of public-interest writing as a bridge between citizens’ experiences and policy action.While implementation and enforcement will be the true test, the direction is encouraging. Parents, teachers, and school administrators must now play their part to ensure that these reforms translate into real change in classrooms across the country.
In acknowledging and addressing the concerns raised by writers, educators, and families, the government has taken a vital step toward protecting the learning future of Nigerian children. It is a reminder that when the handwriting on the wall is read early enough, it is still possible to rewrite the story—for the better.However, kudos to Federal Government for the intervention, but it should not end on the table rather should be given accelerated attention in order to ensure full implementation.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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Redefining New Year Resolutions 

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Quote: “Transformation begins the moment intention meets action.”
At the dawn of a new year and throughout its early days, millions of people across the globe make promises to themselves—to improve, to grow, and to transform. The New Year carries a unique sense of renewal, hope, and possibility. It offers a clean slate on which aspirations are rewritten and goals are redefined. But beyond the excitement and optimism lies an important question: what truly gives power to these resolutions, and how can they be sustained to positively impact individuals, families, and teams?
New Year resolutions emerge from different platforms, perspectives, and points of need. For many, the focus is personal growth—acquiring new skills, practicing mindfulness, improving physical health, or cultivating emotional resilience. Others prioritize relationships, seeking to strengthen bonds with family and friends, heal broken connections, or build new ones. Career development also ranks high, with goals such as professional advancement, job transitions, skill enhancement, or entrepreneurship. Financial stability—saving money, paying off debt, investing wisely—remains a major concern, while some individuals turn to creativity, exploring new hobbies, talents, or artistic pursuits.
Regardless of the resolution, a clear roadmap is essential. Transformation begins with reflection—understanding personal values, clarifying what truly matters, and identifying the change one desires to see. This process often involves shedding unproductive habits and mindsets to create room for growth. Setting specific and achievable goals, then breaking them into manageable tasks, increases the likelihood of success. Equally important is establishing an accountability system—whether through self-monitoring, trusted partners, or structured reviews—to sustain commitment over time.
New Year resolutions embody the power of intentional living. They allow individuals and groups to pause, evaluate past actions, and consciously chart a new course. When intentions are clearly defined, it becomes easier to identify growth areas, develop a realistic plan, maintain motivation, cultivate healthy habits, and strengthen relationships. Setting SMART goals—Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound—ensures that resolutions are practical and purposeful rather than vague aspirations. In addition, prioritizing self-care enables the mind, body, and soul to function optimally, providing the stamina needed for long-term success.
Many resolutions require learning something new—whether acquiring professional skills, developing hobbies, or broadening intellectual capacity. For personal growth, this may include learning a new language, reading more books, or gaining knowledge that enhances competence and confidence. Involving family members in shared goals strengthens bonds and encourages collective responsibility. Regular family activities, open communication, shared meals, and intentional time together help instill values such as kindness, empathy, discipline, and accountability.
Career-focused resolutions may involve enrolling in online courses or certification programs, improving digital literacy, or networking with professionals in the same field. Financial growth requires discipline—creating and adhering to a budget, building a savings plan, investing wisely, and paying off debt systematically. When creativity or leisure is the focus, starting a journal or blog, learning an instrument, engaging in arts and crafts, or pursuing writing can be both fulfilling and therapeutic.
For families and teams, resolutions foster unity and shared purpose. When goals are collectively set and pursued, they promote collaboration, trust, and mutual support. Teams that align their resolutions with shared values experience improved productivity, morale, and accountability. Clear communication, regular progress reviews, and celebrating small wins reinforce commitment and sustain momentum throughout the year.
However, common pitfalls must be avoided. Unrealistic expectations often lead to discouragement and failure; goals should be challenging yet attainable. A lack of planning or strategy undermines even the best intentions, while poor accountability increases the risk of giving up prematurely. To make resolutions stick, it is important to track progress using journals, planners, or digital tools; celebrate milestones; remain patient with setbacks; and review goals periodically to adjust when necessary.
As the year unfolds, may our goals, hopes, and resolutions inspire meaningful change. Resolutions are not merely seasonal rituals—they are journeys of growth and discipline. With intentional planning, focused action, and collective effort, individuals, families, and teams can thrive, transform, and make lasting strides toward a better future.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi
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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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