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Ambazonia, Separatists And Internet Democracy (I)

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A Biafra-like agitation for independence has been unfolding in neighbouring Republic of Cameroon since November 2016. The people of Northern and Southern Cameroons under the umbrella of the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Consortium United Front (SCACUF) finally decided to affirm the independence of the English-speaking sections of Cameroon from the Republic.
Like the Indigenous People of Biafra, the Ambazonians as they have called themselves since 1984, are protesting against their alleged marginalization by the dominant Francophone Cameroon and the Paul Biya government in Yaounde.
They insist that whereas oil is found in the English-speaking South Western part of Cameroon, the central government has practically neglected the region, and the people have been turned into “slaves” on their own soil.
Like the Biafran movement in Nigeria, they have their own flag (white and blue) and a national anthem. The Cameroonian Anglophones claim that their struggle is non-violent and peaceful but they will insist on their independence, and the declaration of their own Republic.
They further argue that whereas French and English are the official languages of Cameroon, the central government has imposed French as the language to be spoken in Anglophone Cameroon. They insist on their right to speak English.
After World War 1, the League of Nations shared the geographical territory known as Cameroon between the French and the British. The latter administered its own share from Nigeria.
On October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained independence from Britain. British Cameroon had a choice between joining Nigeria or Cameroon. In a referendum conducted in 1961, the people of British Cameroon chose to join French-speaking Cameroon to form a Federation. But the planned federal system never really worked.
In 1972, Cameroon changed its name to the United Republic of Cameroon. In 1984, the word “United” was removed from the country’s name by the Paul Biya administration, thus, adopting the pre-unification name of French Cameroon and effectively raising fears of alienation among English-speaking Cameroonians.
Colonialism and its legacy may have been the foundation of many of the crises in post-colonial African states, but poor governance, ethnicity, competition over power and national resources, religion and sheer leadership incompetence have done worse damage.
Post-colonial African leaders have failed to act as statesmen but as new colonialists adopting in West Africa, the twin colonial policies of divide and rule and assimilation.
Cameroon has been a long-suffering country, first under former President Ahmadu Ahidjo and especially under 84-year old Paul Biya, who has been President for 35 years.
It is ironic that 56 years after the country became a Republic, English-speaking Cameroonians are fighting against the seeming attempt by their French-speaking compatriots to “assimilate” and “marginalize” them. The two Cameroons are fighting over the language of the colonialists, national resources, and power-relations.
On Sunday, October 1, 2017, Sisiku AyukTabe, Chairman of the Southern Cameroons Governing Council, formally declared the independence of Southern Cameroons or the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.
“We, the people of Southern Cameroons are slaves to no one”, he said, “Not now, not ever again! Today we reaffirm autonomy over our heritage and over our territory…It is time to tell Yaounde that enough is enough!”
The response from Yaounde has been characteristic. Weeks before the protests and the declaration of independence in Southern Cameroons, soldiers were sent to the region to shoot in the air, prevent rallies, and intimidate the people. Several  persons have so far been killed.
“This division will never happen”, says Cameroon’s Communications Minister, Issa Tchiooma Bakary, speaking for the central government. Just like IPOB and Nigeria? Yes.
Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a wave of nationalist agitations across the world resulting in self-determination, secession and partitions, and the emergence of new countries. But self-determination or secession is not an automatic process, and it is not in every instance that the protests result in the Nirvana that the separatists seek.
In Cameroon, the Biya administration must get off its high horse and engage the leaders of the separatist movement in dialogue. The international community must prevail on him to put an end to the abuse of human rights and the killings in Southern Cameroon. It is the refusal of the central government to address the grievances of the people of Southern Cameroon that has brought Cameroon to this moment.
To quote AyukTabe, again: “The union was always intended to be a union of two equals. Unfortunately, what our peace-loving people have experienced ever since is oppression, subterfuge, discrimination, violence, intimidation, imprisonment, forced occupation, cultural genocide and misappropriation of our natural resources by the leaders of the Republic of Cameroun.”
It is instructive to note the similarity between the expressed concerns of the Ambazonian movement and similar movements in recent times in other parts of the world, and the attitude of the governments in power.
In Spain (the Catalan secessionist movement), Nigeria (the Biafra movement) and Iraq (the Iraqi Kurdistan) – the Catalans have held a referendum to leave Spain, but the Spanish government says this is “unconstitutional.”
Biafrans want a referendum in Nigeria – the government says this is unconstitutional because Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable. The Kurds also want to get out of Iraq, but the central government is opposed to it on the grounds that the September 25 referendum is unilateral and unconstitutional!
It is not just rhetoric that is involved, the military is deployed, violence is unleashed on separatists or critics of the extant union and the government. While these may seem to be traditional responses, the assault on the human rights of protesters now includes an increasingly important territory: the internet.
The internet is perhaps the most striking phenomenon of the century, in the manner in which it has extended the frontiers of human freedom and expression. It is the most modernist icon of globalisation and the borderlessness of space and time.

Abati, a Public Affairs Analyst, was Special Adviser on Media to former President Goodluck Jonathan.
The internet does not know fear. It is an irreverent tool of political mobilization, commerce and social networking. It is the public mind in motion, and the anonymity that it offers in certain forms makes it a strong instrument of revolt.
Elections can be won or lost, governments can be pulled down or popularized, through the mind of the internet. Given its power, reach, and impact, dictators are uncomfortable with the democracy of the internet which has proven to be much stronger than dictatorships, tyrants and intolerant governments. The relationship between the internet and authority has therefore been one of unease and distrust.
The result has been the attempt by intolerant governments and political figures to control the internet, shut it down or violate the rights of its users. China has an internet police that filters internet traffic.
In 2011, Egypt tried to stop the people’s revolution by shutting down the internet. Tunisia, Italy, North Korea, Syria, Iran, Libya, India, Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, Maldives, Iraq are other countries where the internet has been censored in one form or the other or completely shut down.
The degree of civil society repression varies from one country to the other, but the excuse for abridging internet democracy could be as ridiculous as saying that the internet had to be shut down in order to prevent cheating in students’ examinations as has been the case in Iraq and Ethiopia.
Generally, shutting down the internet has become the new mode of repression and a standard response to dissent. African states and governments have joined the trend. In the last year alone, 11 African governments have shut down the internet in one form or the other.
These include the Democratic Republic of Congo (ostensibly to reduce the capacity to transmit “abusive messages,” but actually to stop the people from opposing President Joseph Kabila’s attempt to prolong his tenure); Gambia (a few days to the 2016 elections), Togo (to check protests against President Faure Gnassingbe, and the people’s request for multi-party elections and Presidential term-limits), Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Egypt, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Morocco.
In Nigeria, there has also been so much official discomfort with what is termed “hate speech” on social media platforms particularly whatsapp, instagram, blogs, and twitter. One lawmaker even proposed a Social Media Bill which criminalises internet democracy.
The worst anti-internet culprit so far in Africa would be in my view, not Egypt (where the revolution succeeded in spite of the repression) but Paul Biya’s Cameroon where intolerance and unpleasantness have been elevated to the level of state policy.
In January, the government of Cameroon shut down the internet in English-speaking parts of the country. This lasted for more than three months. This has again been repeated. It is unacceptable.
The cost of internet shutdowns is enormous and disruptive, and the gain for governments is so small. The free flow of information is breached, the targeting of specific regions as in Cameroun is discriminatory; the right to free speech is violated, along with other rights: association, choice, and freedom of thought.
The UN Human Rights Council in 2012, 2014 and again in July 2016, resolved that “the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online”, and all states must refrain from taking such measures that can violate internet freedom. The African Union Declaration on Internet Governance (Algiers, February 13, 2017) is on all fours with this UN Resolution. The UN should go further and impose sanctions on countries that violate internet freedom.
Worse, businesses suffer in the event of an internet shutdown. Internet services are accessed through broadbands provided by mobile telecom companies. When such companies are asked to shut down their services, they easily comply out of fear of being blackmailed by the government. They can be accused of supporting terrorism, for example! By co-operating, they incur losses, part of which they may eventually pass to their subscribers.
Similarly, with growing internet penetration in Africa, so many other businesses are dependent on the internet. Indeed, the internet is increasingly a shopping mall – for bloggers, advertisers, consultants and the average consumer of services. An internet shutdown in the light of this, undermines economic growth and development. Human dignity and relationships are also affected. The internet is a networking tool, so much so that many families depend on it for contact and interaction, and many individuals on it for survival.
Shutting down the internet rolls back the gains of the democratization process in Africa. African countries seeking growth and investment in the telecommunication sector, and within the economy generally shoot themselves in the foot when they seek to destroy such a significant tool.
Internet registries worldwide should sanction errant governments which deny their citizens access to the internet. Men of conscience and thought leaders should speak out against the growing trend of internet shutdown or violation by African governments.
In Nigeria, we must continue to discourage the government from ever contemplating any such misadventure. I am not in any way recommending, by this article a “sovereignty of the internet” in the sense in which John Perry Barlow, an internet activist spoke, when he issued “A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace” (1996). Rather, I urge the protection of the democracy of the internet and this democracy is about rights, obligations and the rule of law.
To return to the politics of imperialism and dissidence in Cameroon, Nigeria (for strategic reasons – the proposed Ambazonia being a buffer zone between Nigeria and Cameroon), ECOWAS and the African Union should intervene early to prevent an outbreak of social and humanitarian crisis, if not chaos in North West and South West Cameroon. The feuding parties should be encouraged to go to the negotiating table. What is going on in that country is as much a Cameroonian problem as it is a Nigerian problem.
Abati, a public affairs analyst, was Special Adviser on Media to former President Goodluck Jonathan

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Opinion

Nigerian English As Nation-Building Tool

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In the ongoing search for viable tools of national development, Nigeria has often overlooked one of its most potent, indigenous resources: Nigerian English (NE). At the intersection of our multilingual heritage and postcolonial reality lies a unique variety of English shaped by the tongues, textures, and tensions of our society. Far from being bad English or a mere deviation from British and or American standards, Nigerian English already recognised by Oxford English Dictionary is a legitimate, living linguistic identity colourfully crafted by our culture, history, and communicative needs. It is a vibrant testament to our collective identity, far more than just a dialect. It is a language woven into the fabric of our daily lives, reflecting our unique history, diverse culture, life style and shared experiences. From the rhythmic cadence of our spoken word to the expressive idioms and proverbs that salt and spice our daily conversations. Indeed, Nigerian English embodies our distinct ways of seeing and interacting with the world at large. It is the language of our markets, our music, our literature and our homes, a powerful and unifying force that proudly declares who we are as Nigerians.
As both a scholar of World Englishes and a keen observer of Nigeria’s socio-political landscape, I contend that Nigerian English properly recognised, adopted , adapted, standardised, and strategically deployed holds immense promise for solving the nation’s challenges in education, economic growth, national unity, and all round inclusive development.
It is time to legitimise Nigerian English, not merely as a medium of instruction but as a strategic tool for reimagining our collective progress.
Education: Bridging Access and Relevance.
Nigeria’s educational system continues to suffer from a fundamental disconnect between curriculum content and learners’ every day experiences. Much of this disconnect stems from the rigid, often artificial imposition of ‘standard’ British English norms in classrooms that are otherwise deeply Nigerian in cultural and linguistic texture. The result? Students are forced to think, read, and write in a language that is alien to their sociocultural context. Many perform poorly not due to a lack of intelligence or potential, but because their cognitive environments are estranged from the medium of instruction. Nigerian English, with its lexical innovations (e.g., “go-slow,” “flash,” “gist”), semantic shifts, and pragmatic norms, offers a more intuitive, accessible bridge to learning example in foundational literacy, civic education, and community-based pedagogy. A deliberate incorporation of Nigerian English in teaching materials, especially at the nursery, primary and secondary levels, would not only improve comprehension but also affirm learners’ identities. A child who sees their speech patterns represented in textbooks and examinations is more likely to believe in the value of their intellect and voice.
Economic Empowerment: Language for Inclusion and Participation
English remains the language of official documentation, digital platforms, trade, and business in Nigeria. However, the language variety typically promoted in these spaces often alienates the very people it seeks to empower. Entrepreneurs in local markets, artisans, small-scale farmers, and tech-savvy youths from informal sectors speak Nigerian English yet economic literacy campaigns, banking systems, and tech applications are delivered in overly formal, standardized registers. By recognising and integrating Nigerian English into economic discourse particularly in digital financial education, vocational training, and SME development, we can bridge this gap. Language is access, the basic purpose of language is communication. Simplified, localised, and culturally resonant English will improve financial inclusion, digital participation, and the reach of national economic initiatives. It is not a simplification of content but a sophistication of access.
In a nation, Nigerian English is the only unifying code across ethnic, regional, and social lines including the elite class. While our indigenous languages remain invaluable repositories of culture and identity, Nigerian English offers a shared space of communication, a common linguistic currency. More than pidgin, which still carries socio-linguistic stigma in formal settings,
Nigerian English exists as an organic hybrid carrying the intelligibility of international English, while being grounded in Nigerian expressions, metaphors, and mannerisms.
It is a language that has evolved to carry our jokes, our frustrations, our politics, and our aspirations. By officially embracing Nigerian English as a pedagogically acceptable, nationally relevant variety, we affirm a sense of ownership in our shared national voice. Policies that legitimise Nigerian English in media, literature, and even public service communication would further enhance our sense of collective identity and belonging.
National Growth and Development: Rewriting the Nigerian Narrative Language is not neutral, it shapes perception, policy, and potential. Nigerian English, as a symbol of postcolonial linguistic agency, allows us to narrate our own realities rather than borrowing idioms of development from other nations. From Nollywood scripts and Afrobeats lyrics to the daily banter in markets and parliament, NE has given Nigerians a way to own and export their narratives. Ignoring this linguistic resource in our development agenda is to continue importing frameworks of growth that do not fit our reality. Let us promote Nigerian English in local tech start-ups, international diplomacy, cultural exports, and educational policies. In doing so, we redefine what it means to be globally relevant and locally rooted.
It is time for the National Council on Education, curriculum developers, university faculties, media regulators, policymakers and indeed government to begin a deliberate process of codifying and standardising Nigerian English, taking into account its lexical features, phonology, pragmatics, and stylistic markers. The goal is not to replace international Englishes but to establish our own legitimate variety within the global Englishes spectrum. Let us be bold enough to teach in the English we speak, write policies in the English we live by, and train future generations to embrace their linguistic heritage not as a limitation, but as a launchpad for transformation. In our tongue lies our strength. Nigerian English is not bad English, broken or Pidgin English; it is our own English, our identity language, a reality picture of who we are and represent. And most importantly, it is a very powerful development tool we have yet to fully embrace.

Nneka Emeka-Duru
Dr.  Emeka-Duru, a World English specialist, wrote from Port Harcourt.

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Opinion

Benue Conflicts, Hope At Last?

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President Bola Tinubu’s visit to Benue State on Wednesday, June 18, 2025 was an indication that he is a leader that has listening ears. Many Nigerians had called on him, as the father of the nation, to visit Yelwata community in Benue State, where armed criminals murdered over 100 people penultimate weekend and destroyed their property and he did exactly that.
Though the President could not get to Yelwata community, “because of rain, flood and bad road”, his visit to the State, his town hall meeting with some key stakeholders, his visit to the victims of the tragedy in the hospital, speak volumes of his quality of leadership and Nigerians appreciate him for that and hope that other leaders in the country will learn from him.
During the town hall meeting at the Government House in Makurdi, the President queried the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, why no arrest had been made since the heinous crime was committed and directed him and the Chief of Defence Staff, Christopher Musa, to immediately arrest killer herders, who perpetrated the crime.
That was quite commendable because we cannot have the much-needed peace in Benue and other communities in the country where killing has become the order of the day if there is no justice. After every such tragic wanton killings, the police, the military and other security agencies claim to be on top of the situation, assuring that there would be no repeat of such deadly attacks.
But what we never hear or see is that anybody was arrested, prosecuted and jailed for the crime committed. That emboldens the criminals to keep attacking innocent citizens with impunity. Nigerians hope to see things done differently going forward.
Nobody, irrespective of his tribe, religion or political leaning should be above the law. No tribe should be treated as a sacred cow if Nigeria must move forward.
It is hoped that the heads of the Department of State Services (DSS) and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) will act on the President’s directives and intensify surveillance and gather actionable intelligence to apprehend the perpetrators.
It is also high time the nation’s security agencies and the government at all levels were more Proactive than reactive. They should be able to prevent these deadly attacks from happening instead of running around when the deed is already done. They really need to synergise and re-strategise towards better results since obviously the strategy deployed all the while has not been effective.
It was also good that the President touched the sensitive issue of ranching. He urged Governor Hyacinth Alia of Benue State to allocate land for ranching and directed the Minister of Agriculture and Food Security to follow up.
Reports have it that at the core of the agelong conflict in Benue State is unrestricted cattle movement which results in destruction of farms and crops. The State has for decades been enmeshed in a persistent and deeply troubling conflict mainly between local farming communities and nomadic herders over grazing rights, land encroachment and destruction of crops.
The Chief of Defence Staff puts it this way, “Now, from what I have observed, two or three basic things, one is the issue of land, [between] indigene and non-indigene, [is] critical, which is political. That’s supposed to be sorted out politically.
“Secondly, the issue of the movement of animals. I’ve told people over time that when they say farmer, headers clash, clash means two things are moving. But if a farm is [just there] and an animal comes in, it is not a clash, it’s somebody entering somebody’s [asset]. So, we must find solutions to how, which means if the animals don’t move, we don’t have issues.
“Now again, because of that again, we have issues of rustling of animals, which means if we don’t even rustle animals again that are moving again, there won’t be most of this problem.
The quest for a lasting solution to the clashes led to the enactment of the State’s Open Grazing Prohibition and Ranches Establishment Law (2017). The law bans open grazing and mandates ranching. The effect of this is hardly seen as cattle still roam freely in Benue State just as in other parts of the country, including the nation’s capital, Abuja.
The Director General of Benue Peace and Reconciliation Commission, Josephine Habba, recently lamented that though the anti-open grazing law is still valid, the enforcement operatives are not that of the State, thereby limiting the power of the State over the violators of the law.
The leadership and members of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and other such associations should therefore, key into the President’s plan of ranching. MACBAN and other well-placed Nigerians who are in the business of cattle rearing should invest in ranching as it is done in other parts of the world.
It is no hidden fact that Benue indigenes are predominantly farmers. They depend on farming to cater for their needs. They have the right to farm in their ancestral farmlands just as the cattle breeders being citizens of the country, have the right to live and carry out their business in any part of the country. So, there is the need for a balance, an arrangement where the two parties carry out their businesses without encroaching on each other’s space. That is why ranching or controlled grasing, as some people choose to call it, is very important.
A coherent national grazing policy that supports ranching should be developed. Both federal and state governments should invest in building modern ranches with proper facilities, veterinary services, and access to water, particularly in the Northern states where herders traditionally originate. This will reduce the need for migration into farming territories.
It is also important that for there to be the desired lasting peace in Benue State, Tinubu and the heads of the nation’s security agencies should look into the comment of the paramount ruler of the Tiv Nation, Tor Tiv V, His Royal Majesty James Ayatse in his address at the stakeholders meeting on Wednesday.
He said, “What we are dealing with here in Benue State is a calculated, well-planned and full-scale genocidal invasion and land grabbing campaign by herder terrorists and bandits. This has been on for decades and it’s worsening every year.”  The same view had been shared by the Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia and some other indigenes of the State. A thorough investigation is needed to ascertain the veracity of the allegation and deal with it before it is too late.
It was really good hearing all the fatherly advice of the President to Alia. There is no doubt that if the governor works with those words of wisdom, Benue will be a better place to live in. The governor should wake up and face the challenges facing him squarely, never forgetting that his allegiance is with the people of the State and not to some individuals of a political party.
Benue State (the food basket of the nation) is a very important part of the country. The lingering insecurity in the State, if not urgently dealt with, may pose a big threat to food security in the country.
All hands must, therefore, be on the deck to restore peace in Benue State and other parts of the country. It is high time the government rose above ethnic, religious, and political interests and took bold, coordinated action towards restoring peace to the State. The people of Benue deserve peace, dignity, and the opportunity to thrive in their ancestral land. The time to end the agelong conflict is now. Silence and half-measures can no longer be an option.
Once again, thank you our dear President, for visiting Benue. We hope there will be a follow up to ensure that all your directives to the security chiefs are carried out . More of such a visit to other parts of the country.

Calista Ezeaku

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Rendezvous With Floods

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The floods have done it again! No thanks to our governance systems that enables such tales of bad fate. Our national encounters with floods have become annual meets in which Nigerians have had to be vulnerable to inundating floods. Every incident becomes a combat with nature in which Nigerians have been made no match. Many unlucky Nigerians have had to endure overwhelming onslaughts from floods, some not surviving to tell the stories.

The sad event that just occurred at Mokwa in Niger State has once again reminded us that we have entered the Season 2025 Rendezvous With Floods. Yes, the flood season is here again! It also appears that by our inactions to check the floods, we have entered some unwritten agreements with same, to annually decimate the lives of hundreds of Nigerians whom conditions of life placed on the paths of menacing floods. As humans fail to be humane to their fellow, why would the floods?

Even as flood prevention and mitigation activities draw huge budgets from government purses annually, they remain as ravaging as if they were never envisaged, the result of which many lives, properties and natural resources of innocent Nigerians are sacrificed yearly.

In the current tragedy at Mokwa more than 150 lives have so far been confirmed dead. Regrettably, the figures may go further as rescue operations continue. According to reports, mayhem descended on innocent residents who were asleep in the early hours of Thursday, May 29, 2025 in the neighbourhoods of Kpege at Mokwa, when torrential downpours led to surprising surges of water. In the ensuing confusion in which buildings and market areas became submerged amidst collapsing structures, hundreds lost their lives, buildings destroyed and many displaced. Those lucky enough to have escaped alive now face the frustration of sudden displacement.

Even as floods have become one of our intractable, annual woes, the latest incident at Mokwa remains heart-bleeding, considering that no less than 200 lives were lost to flooding in the same area in 2023 and over 386,000 were displaced. Such horrendous flood disasters keep recurring as a national tragedy.

In 2022 Nigeria made world headlines when CNN and other international media carried reports of one of our worst humanitarian flood disasters during which over 500 persons perished, about 1,546 injured, and over 1.4 million persons displaced by floods. The CNN also added that about “45,249 houses were damaged, 76,168 hectares of farmlands partially destroyed while 70,566 hectares of farmlands got completely destroyed.” That year, 27 out of Nigeria’s 36 states struggled with floods while access to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja was threatened.

The more salient impact which draws lesser attention from the media is the trail of terrestrial erosions that etch our environments each flooding season. With widespread areas of farmlands, residential areas and coastal communities being washed away by floods yearly, the ecology of many parts of Nigeria continues to degrade in magnitudes unimageable.

***********Regrettably no lessons appear to have been learnt from flood incidents such like occurred in 2022, otherwise we would not have been experiencing subsequent scales of recurrences.
Nor have the preventable drownings of a colossal number of lives been enough to trigger official inquiry into the activities of our national emergency management programmes, and their associated agencies.

In the face of huge expenditures recorded in yearly national budgets through the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development to finance the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), it should be puzzling that no one has ever been held liable for the failures to safeguard areas prone to floods, the recurrent inability to swiftly come to the rescue of flood victims, and the consequential deaths. Even from the reported lamentations of victims, it is discernible that most often, relief materials reach victims almost a year after incidents. And that is for those lucky enough to secure reliefs. Designated places for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), may pass as mockery of the essence.

With respect to the Mokwa flood mayhem, NEMA claims it “Had prior to the incident, issued multiple early warnings regarding likely flooding in flood-prone regions like Niger State.” Probably in an attempt to shift blames to local authorities claimed further that, “Despite these efforts, the scale of the disaster revealed the limits of national-level warnings without sufficient ground-level implementation.” But as the apex disaster management agency in the country, is NEMA’s job only to raise alarms for local authorities? What hindered the deployment of its Early Warning and Preparedness mechanisms?

Being under the Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development Ministry, one may wonder if NEMA is not being choked under a ministry saddled with so many social duties, moreso, a ministry notorious for its social fund embezzlement scandals. For swifter operations, NEMA should operate from a ministry dedicated to special duties, or placed under the Presidency.

This nation has had so many innocent lives devastated needlessly by floods to have provoked national compunction in saner climes. Such regrets should have inspired decisive actions that prevent, or at least mitigate future occurrences to the barest minimum.

In our usual daily hustle, life may resume as normal for many Nigerians faced by many other daily struggles, and the memories of the over 150 who died at Mokwa will soon be forgotten. But it is pertinent to remind us that it is a crime against humanity to let helpless lives perish as such.

The menace of floods as occur on our part of the globe are preventable, as they are seasonal and predictable. Given all the technologies currently at our disposal, floods should not be as overwhelming as they have become. With conscientious efforts, floods could largely be prepared against and checked, while mitigating actions ensure that lives and resources are not destroyed on the scales being experienced. From the yearly outcomes so far, it is obvious that the requisite actions against floods are not being implemented, however how NEMA tries to defend itself.

In the meantime, it should be noteworthy that the Mokwa sad record is an early occurrence for the year 2025, and coming just from the River Niger flank of the country alone, when the usually worst crises from the River Benue axis are yet to commence. Officials of NEMA and those of concerned State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs) should not wait until the Republic of Cameroon embarks on the annual opening of its Lagdo Dam, and when communities downstream of the River Benue flank start wailing desperately, to take action. By then actions would be too little, and too late, and NEMA would issue another self-exoneration.

As NEMA goes nation-wide to sensitize the public on its National Disaster Preparedness and Response Campaign (NPRC) 2025, its activities should materialize in lives and resources saved against floods.

Joseph Nwankwor
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