Opinion
‘It’s Our Turn To Eat’
A British author, an investigative journalist, Ms Michela Wrong, wrote a book with the above title, whose theme is corruption in Africa and the strategies to curb it, with Kenya as a case study. According to her, Africa serves as a contradiction of development and good governance, for the Western nations. In presenting her book to the Nigerian audience at Jazzhole in Lagos, some years ago, Ms Wrong was right to trace the root of Africa’s woes to Western Europe. The quest for foreign lands, slave trade, domination, exploitation, fragmentation of the continent for economic gains, and then colonial rule, contributed to the woes of the African continent. Thus Europe underdeveloped Africa!
A divide-and-rule administrative strategy adopted by colonial invaders sowed the seed of internal wrangles and disunity among the people. Thus to say: It’s our turn to eat”, is an expression of the predatory and opportunistic foundation put in place by colonial powers, which also accounts for fierce struggles for power. To hold power is to control the political economy and provision of opportunity for the section of the country holding such power. This in turn leads to fierce struggles for power, giving rise to widespread corrupt practices.
Root of Africa’s woes, according to the British author, Ms Wrong, cannot be solely attributed to colonial rule and Western economic plots or greed. In her illustration, while Africa was the “Heart of Darkness”, a whiteman, Mr. Kurtz, was a barbarian leading a bunch of natives in the jungle. Then came independence, with a black Kurtze presiding over booties derived from oil and gas resources. The transformation of a white barbarian Kurtz, into a black predatory or loot-sharing Kurtz, is an idiom which demands looking inwards for an answer.
Africa should be mature enough by now, to begin to look inwards for the sources of its woes, even when the West remains complicit and the biggest beneficiary of corruption in the continent. Sleaze funds from corrupt practices are usually stashed away in Europe. The West may be hypocritical, but African political leaders are no less culpable in the woes of the continent. Corruption is not all about money, but it includes the entrenchment of tribal, ethnic or religious cleavages, whereby politics becomes a ready instrument for such manipulations. Ms Wrong used her studies on Kenya to say that anti-corruption crusades have ethnic colouration and often sabotaged by those who set them up. A trap for opponents! A charade!
An African Union (AU) Summit in Adis Ababa in January 2009, brought to light some of the causes of the continent’s woes. President Muammar Ghadaffi of Libya was not only crowned as the new A.U. Chairman, but also as King emeritus in Africa, yet he rose to power by dismantling traditional institutions in his country. He went on to propose the formation of a United States of Africa, which some countries approved to come into being immediately, while the Monrovia group opposed it. Thus African nations became divided into a Casablanca group and a Monrovia group, with a suspicion that Ghadaffi had some hidden agenda of Arabianisation and Islamisation of Africa. Enmity grew for Ghadaffi and soon, the man died, dusty!
That Africa is the milk cow of industrialised nations came to light at the Global Warming Conference in Copenhagen where a bait was thrown to African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The idea was to make the ACP countries to bear the brunts of saving the industrialised nations from the consequences of damage to Ozone layer, brought about by industrial wastes and emissions. To halt the depletion of the Ozone layer, forests and trees of the Third World countries must not be touched.
Surely industrialisation and over urbanisation carry some price, which includes the poisoning of the atmosphere, of which global warming is a result. Those who knew of the politics of the Copenhagen Conference had asked why Africa must always transfer resources to the industrialised nations! From the transfer of human resources in the form of slaves, to the transfer of cheap raw materials and financial resources to pay debts, Africa is always the milk cow to be exploited. Why? The answer lies in making sure that such exploited nations do not produce able and radical leaders and strong institutions that can challenge the powerful nations.
Africa must not only keep and remain in existing vast forests to save industrialised nations from global warming, but corruption and weak institutions must continue if the old exploitation pattern must continue. If there be a truly representative democracy devoid of ethnic and religious cleavages, if ethnic diversity and suspicion would end, then the possibility of continued exploitation would soon end also. Those who knew what Chief M. K. O. Abiola stood for would give him honour as an advocate of a global conference to discuss the many wrongs done to Africa, from slavery to financial resources transfer. Like Ghadaffi, he too died!
Currently in Nigeria, banditry, terrorism, insecurity and instability are among the challenges compounding an existing plight of poverty, hunger, ignorance, etc. It is obvious that external influences play some vital roles in the sad state of the nation, neither is any visible action taken about sources alleged to be sponsors and financiers of instability in the country. Apart from external forces alleged to be exploiting and impoverishing Nigeria, there are, internal forces also playing such roles, using ethnic, religious and ideological cleavages for the purpose. IPOB is the bad guy! Diversion?
Writing in The Guardian newspaper, Thursday, August 2, 2007, Edwin Madunagu asserted that “Imperialism itself is terrorism”. Broad objectives of terrorism as an unconventional warfare, include forcing political change, forcing people or a government to agree to some demands to avoid future harms, destabilising an existing government, etc. More specifically, terrorism is an expression of grievances, drawing attention to unjust situations, a means of taking some revenge, settling old grouse and getting even, etc.
Acts of terrorism which we can remember easily include what happened in Jos in September 2001, with about 700 people killed, thousands injured and houses burnt. September 11, 2001, there were attacks on New York and Washington; December 2001 Indian Parliament attack; March 27, 2002, Passover massacre in Israel; March 11, 2004 attacks in Madrid, Spain; July 7, 2005 bombings in London; July 11, 2006 Mumbai train bombings, etc. Since the “Chibok girls” incident in Nigeria, acts of banditry, kidnapping and terrorism have been regular experiences. What are the motives of such violent acts?
Today the real motives of attacks on Ukraine by Russia are not easy to figure out completely. Ms Michela Wrong’s book: It’s Our Turn To Eat, is a reminder to humanity that those who would not allow the good things of life to go round, invite the wrath of those disenfranchised and excluded. Politics of “stomach infrastructure”, expressed in “its-our-turn-to eat”, is a recipe for social instability, whereby injustice and greed force disenfranchised groups to resort to acts of violence.
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
-
Business3 days ago
Shippers Council Vows Commitment To Security At Nigerian Ports
-
Business3 days agoCBN Revises Cash Withdrawal Rules January 2026, Ends Special Authorisation
-
Business3 days agoNigeria Risks Talents Exodus In Oil And Gas Sector – PENGASSAN
-
Business3 days agoFIRS Clarifies New Tax Laws, Debunks Levy Misconceptions
-
Sports3 days ago
Obagi Emerges OML 58 Football Cup Champions
-
Business3 days ago
NCDMB, Others Task Youths On Skills Acquisition, Peace
-
Politics3 days agoTinubu Increases Ambassador-nominees to 65, Seeks Senate’s Confirmation
-
Sports3 days agoFOOTBALL FANS FIESTA IN PH IS TO PROMOTE PEACE, UNITY – Oputa
