Editorial

Lessons From PDP Primary

Published

4 years ago

June 3, 2022

The much-awaited presidential primary election of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has ultimately come and gone. In the event that occurred last Saturday into Sunday, Nigeria’s former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, emerged as the presidential candidate of the main opposition party. The Adamawa State-born politician defeated other aspirants in a keenly contested primary held at the Moshood Abiola Stadium in Abuja.
According to the results declared, of the 764 accredited ballots at the election, Abubakar polled 371 votes while his closest challenger, the Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, came second with 237 votes. Nigeria’s former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, scored 70 votes to come a distant third, while the Akwa Ibom State Governor, Udom Emmanuel, came fourth with 38 votes.
The only female in the race, Tariela Oliver, and another contestant, Sam Ohuabunwa, scored one vote each. A former President of the Senate, Pius Anyim, amassed 14 votes while Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed got 20 votes. The other contestants, ex-Governor Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State and magazine publisher, Dele Momodu, got no votes. Twelve invalid votes were recorded, according to reports.
Recall that Abubakar had also secured the ticket of the PDP in 2019 but lost at the general elections to the incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC). While the former Vice President’s victory at the primary is his second successive attempt, it also marks his fifth shot at the highest office in the land. He has had other unsuccessful contests for the seat under both the APC and his current party, the PDP.
Before the commencement of the election at the convention venue, one of the top contenders for the race, the Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Tambuwal, withdrew from the competition. Prior to his withdrawal, however, Tambuwal was among the top three contenders and was believed to enjoy the full support of members of the party from the North-West, the region that had the largest number of accredited delegates. Tambuwal did not only discontinue the race but also asked his supporters to vote for Atiku, a development which significantly tilted the outcome of the election in favour of the winner.
Wike and all the governors in Southern Nigeria had consistently demanded that the position of President be returned to the South after Buhari’s eight years in office in line with equity and fairness. Although power shift or rotation is not enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution, it is reckoned to be a gentleman’s agreement that power rotates between the North and the South.
Reflecting on his outing at the presidential primary, the Rivers State Governor blamed his loss to the former Vice President on his Southern counterparts. He explained that the Southern governors betrayed him by working against their earlier agreement that the highest office should return to the South. According to him, PDP governors ganged up with some vested interests to derail the quest of the South to produce the next President on the platform of the party.
We share the governor’s sentiment. It is shocking that Southern governors who, regardless of party affiliations, met severally in Port Harcourt, Asaba and Lagos where they decided to compel the two major political parties to zone the position of President to the region, would abandon their resolution and support a Northern aspirant. That was the height of betrayal and hypocrisy that will further plummet the region into political servitude.
It is depressing that the PDP, the party that has always claimed to champion the precepts of equity, justice, and Southern rights and that has always prided itself on its strong Southern base, would opt to throw its presidential ticket open which a Northerner eventually won. The party obviously turned its back on the people of the South, particularly the South-South and the South-East, who have given it more support than any other zone in the country over the last 23 years.
The Southern aspirants are equally to blame for declining the consensus option mainly in favour of Wike who was unarguably the strongest contestant from the region. This cost politicians from the South the presidential slot and demonstrated the profound division among the political class in the area. The lack of unity of purpose amid politicians down South has often enabled the North to easily rally its men on the field and get the result that will be beneficial to the region. Northern politics is not rocket science; it is politics of collective interest.
It must be understood that the North, by the emergence of Atiku as the PDP presidential candidate, has effectively demonstrated that it is the region to beat any day, anytime. That is unfortunate for the South. It is even sadder for the South-East, which attended the PDP convention with 95 delegates but got only 15 votes for its two sons, Anyim, who got 14 votes, and Ohuabunwa, garnering only one vote. Who did the other delegates from the zone vote for?
The outcome of the convention has an eternal lesson in unity and cohesive politics which are conspicuously missing in the South. And if there is anyone who should learn and relearn these lessons of the convention, it is politicians from the region. The division among the Southern political class is worrisome. It has once again confirmed that the North is far ahead of the rest of the country in strategic politicking, even though there may be a preponderance of educated fellows in the South.
An additional lesson is that the North does not have any permanent friends when it comes to power equations. Northerners do not know what is dubbed equilibrium in power-sharing. Looking at what happened in Abuja last Saturday and juxtaposing that with how Wike threw everything he had behind the aspiration of Tambuwal in 2019, the conclusion will be drawn that the Sokoto governor is an ingrate. When it came to the most critical moment, Tambuwal remembered that he must step down for no other person but his Fulani brother.
With the outcome of the PDP presidential primary, Wike has exemplified unique courage and dominant virtue as an invariant man. Neither Atiku nor Tambuwal can parallel his allegiance to the PDP. Wike has been consistent and has protected the party with everything he has. In his relationship with people, he has kept faith with the principle of fidelity. He fights for his friends and supports their aspirations.
His outing at the just concluded convention is commendable and worthy of celebration. For him to have polled 237 votes, against Atiku’s 371, reveals a strong positive character. Hence, the PDP should commemorate him in its fold. His never-say-die traits will be valuable in the days ahead. Denying the South an opportunity to produce the party’s presidential flag-bearer for the 2023 general election, has opened a new vista in the demand by the region for the number one slot in the country.

Editorial

Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities

Published

4 days ago

July 27, 2026

The Tide

The Rivers State Government’s promise to improve boundary security has given residents hope at a time when insecurity is becoming a serious concern. Speaking at the 3rd Annual National Assembly/Border and Boundary Community Stakeholders’ Interface in Abuja, Deputy Governor Ngozi Nma Odu called for stronger cooperation between the Federal Government, security agencies, traditional rulers, and local communities. The meeting focused on how better border/boundary management can improve security and support economic growth. Rivers people now expect these promises to lead to real action.

However, many residents are asking whether enough is being done to protect the state’s boundaries. Crimes that were once common only in some northern parts of the country are now being reported in Rivers State. According to the Nigeria Security Tracker of the Council on Foreign Relations, the South-South recorded 287 violent deaths linked to crime in 2025, representing a 19 per cent increase compared with 2023. These figures show that strong action is urgently needed.

Many communities, especially those near state boundaries, have little or no police presence. Some have no police post or station at all, making it easier for criminals to operate. The Nigerian Bureau of Statistics reported in its 2024 Crime Survey that only 31 per cent of rural communities in the South-South have a functioning police presence within 10 kilometres. This leaves many residents without adequate protection.

There are also repeated reports that armed herders have entered forests in the Ikwerre area and other parts of the state. If these reports are correct, they should be treated as a serious security threat. Many people say they face kidnapping, attacks, and harassment from armed criminals hiding in the forests. Slow official responses have increased public worry and reduced confidence.

Although the Federal Government controls the country’s security agencies, the Rivers State Government also has an important role to play. Governor Siminalayi Fubara, as the state’s chief security officer, should take stronger steps to protect lives and property. Criminals should not be allowed to enter the state freely while people live in fear. Waiting for others to act is like burying one’s head in the sand.

Security at the state’s boundaries should start with thorough screening of everyone entering Rivers State through officially recognised entry points. The Nigeria Police Force has the authority to carry out stop-and-search operations where necessary. Well-planned, intelligence-based checks can help prevent criminals and illegal weapons from entering the state without affecting lawful travellers and businesses. Weak borders/boundaries encourage crime.

Local government chairmen should also play a leading role because they are closest to the people. They can work with vigilante groups, traditional rulers, and community leaders to gather and share useful security information. According to the CLEEN Foundation’s 2023 report, Policing and Public Safety in Nigeria, 68 per cent of Nigerians believe that properly supervised community policing helps to reduce crime. Rivers State should make better use of this approach.

The Deputy Governor’s call for inclusive border/boundary governance should include local chiefs, youth leaders, women groups, and other community stakeholders. Their involvement will improve the sharing of information and make it easier to respond quickly to security threats. After all, prevention is better than cure.

The state should also invest in modern security equipment such as drones, communication radios, and solar-powered surveillance posts at important boundary locations. These are practical tools that can improve security in a state as important and geographically complex as Rivers. No community can truly develop where people live in fear.

Better security will also strengthen the economy. Boundary communities support farming, trade, and social ties with Abia, Imo, Akwa Ibom, and Bayelsa states. Insecurity disrupts business activities, discourages investors, and affects lawful trade. The World Bank stated in its 2024 Nigeria Development Update that insecurity at the state level can reduce local economic growth by as much as 2.5 per cent each year.

The Rivers State Government should, therefore, move beyond meetings and public statements by taking practical steps. More police posts should be established, community vigilante groups should receive proper training and support, and regular security meetings should be held with neighbouring states. The decisions reached in Abuja will have little value unless they are fully implemented.

The safety of Rivers people should never be delayed or left to others alone. While cooperation with the Federal Government is necessary, the state must take the lead in protecting its people and boundaries. If urgent actions are not taken, lawlessness could become more common. Rivers State must act now before the chickens come home to roost.

Editorial

A Fair Wage for Difficult Times

Published

4 weeks ago

July 3, 2026

The Tide

The latest demand by the Federal Workers Forum (FWF) for an upward review of the national minimum wage from N70,000 to N300,000 should not be dismissed as another routine labour agitation. Rather, it should be seen as a reflection of the deep economic pain confronting millions of Nigerian workers whose purchasing power has been severely eroded by inflation, rising living costs, and a struggling economy. Whether or not the figure being demanded is attainable, the message behind it cannot be ignored.

The decision of the Forum to proceed with a nationwide protest also underscores the growing frustration among federal workers who believe that repeated appeals have produced little meaningful action. Their complaints over unpaid entitlements, wage awards, promotion arrears, and other outstanding benefits deserve prompt attention from the authorities. A government that expects dedication and productivity from its workforce must also fulfil its obligations to them.

It is significant that the Chief of Staff to the President recently acknowledged that federal workers are poorly remunerated. Such an admission is welcome because it confirms what workers have consistently argued for years. However, acknowledgement alone is insufficient. Nigerians expect practical measures that will improve workers’ welfare rather than statements that only recognise the obvious.

The economic realities confronting workers are doubtlessly harsh. Food prices have climbed beyond the reach of many families, transportation costs have risen sharply, rents continue to increase, and the cost of healthcare and education has become unbearable for many households. Salaries that appeared modest a few years ago have become grossly inadequate in today’s economic environment.

Compounding the hardship is the persistent challenge of insecurity across the country. Many workers travel daily under difficult and sometimes dangerous conditions to earn incomes that barely sustain their families. The emotional and financial burden of this situation has created widespread frustration and anxiety, contributing to the tense atmosphere that now pervades the nation.

Against this background, the call for a living wage is both reasonable and urgent. The purpose of a minimum wage is not just to keep workers employed but to enable them to live with dignity. When full-time workers cannot adequately feed their families, pay school fees, access healthcare, or meet basic living expenses, it becomes clear that existing wage structures require serious review.

The Federal Government should, therefore, approach this matter with the seriousness it deserves. It should immediately commence purposeful discussions with organised labour and representatives of the Federal Workers Forum to examine realistic options for improving workers’ welfare. Delaying action or relying on promises will only deepen public dissatisfaction and erode confidence in the government.

Equally important is the need for the government to honour existing commitments. Reports of outstanding wage awards, unpaid allowances, and promotion arrears should be independently verified and settled without unnecessary delay. Keeping faith with agreements already reached would demonstrate sincerity and rebuild trust between the authorities and their employees.

That said, the workers must also appreciate the importance of sustained dialogue. While peaceful protest remains a constitutional right, industrial disputes are more productively resolved through negotiation than confrontation. Every effort should be made to avoid actions capable of disrupting essential public services or escalating national tension.

The leadership of organised labour also has a crucial role to play. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) must rise and provide united, responsible, and strategic leadership. Workers need strong representation that combines firmness with wisdom and places national interest alongside legitimate labour demands.

There is no doubt that the government faces enormous fiscal challenges. Declining revenues, mounting debt obligations, and competing development needs make public finance increasingly difficult. Nevertheless, these realities cannot become excuses for allowing civil servants to sink deeper into poverty. Sound economic management must ultimately translate into improved living conditions for citizens.

In truth, paying workers a fair and sustainable wage is not only a social obligation; it is an economic necessity. Better-paid workers stimulate consumer spending, enhance productivity, reduce corruption arising from financial desperation, and contribute to greater national stability. Investment in workers is an investment in economic growth.

Nigeria can ill afford another prolonged confrontation between government and labour at a time when insecurity, inflation, and public discontent already threaten social cohesion. Both sides should exercise restraint, avoid inflammatory rhetoric, and demonstrate genuine commitment to finding common ground. Nigerians expect solutions, not endless disputes.

The message from the current agitation is unmistakable. The Federal Government must heed the legitimate demands of workers by urgently pursuing a new living wage that reflects present economic realities and restores hope to millions of households. At the same time, workers should keep engaging the government through peaceful dialogue, mutual respect, and responsible negotiation. At this critical moment in our country’s history, compromise, compassion, and decisive leadership offer the surest path to industrial harmony and national progress.

Editorial

Getting State Police Right

Published

1 month ago

June 29, 2026

The Tide

Nigeria appears closer than ever to embracing state police, a transformative reform that has dominated national security discourse for years. Such a move, however, requires constitutional amendment to eliminate existing legal obstacles. The National Assembly deserves commendation for expediting work on the necessary legislation to amend Section 214 of the 1999 Constitution, which currently provides for a single, centralised national police force. Having secured passage in both chambers, the amendment bills should now be transmitted without delay to the state Houses of Assembly for prompt consideration.

The urgency of this reform is indisputable. Nigeria has been grappling with terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal violence, and organised crime, all of which have overstretched the existing security architecture. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigerians paid an estimated N2.23 trillion in ransom between May 2023 and April 2024, while about 51.9 million crime incidents affected households during the same period. These disturbing figures underline the necessity of strengthening policing through a more pragmatic and responsive system.

State police could remarkably complement the efforts of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), bringing law enforcement closer to local communities. Officers recruited from within their areas are often better acquainted with the terrain, languages, and cultural dynamics that shape criminal activity. Such local knowledge could produce a more perspicacious approach to crime prevention, intelligence gathering, and rapid emergency response.

Critics rightly fear that state police could become instruments of political persecution if left unchecked. Unscrupulous governors may be tempted to intimidate opponents, suppress dissent, or influence elections through the misuse of security agencies. Any constitutional amendment must, therefore, establish firm precautions that guarantee operational independence and prevent such capricious abuse of authority.

Another serious concern is finance. Running a modern police organisation requires sustained investment in personnel, equipment, technology, training, and welfare. Many states already struggle to pay salaries and pensions promptly. Without reliable funding, state police could deteriorate into poorly equipped institutions that weaken rather than strengthen public safety. Fiscal prudence must accompany political ambition.

Nigeria’s ethnic and religious diversity also demands careful reflection. Minority communities in several states have legitimate concerns that locally controlled police could be manipulated against them during periods of political or communal tension. Recruitment based on ethnicity, family ties, or political loyalty would further undermine professionalism. Only transparent procedures founded on merit can cultivate an equitable policing culture.

Equally important is the need for a comprehensive legal framework to regulate state police operations. Clear provisions are required to define jurisdiction, disciplinary procedures, civilian complaints, accountability mechanisms, and the limits of operational authority. Without such legal clarity, disputes and uncertainty could quickly overwhelm the new institutions.

The relationship between state police and the Nigeria Police Force also deserves meticulous attention. Cross-border crimes, insurgency, and organised criminal networks rarely respect state boundaries. Unless command structures, operational responsibilities, and emergency coordination are carefully defined, jurisdictional rivalry could produce dangerous ambiguity at critical moments.

A fragmented security system presents another risk. Thirty-six separate police commands operating under different priorities and standards may complicate coordinated national responses to terrorism, banditry, and other transnational threats. Intelligence sharing between federal and state agencies must be seamless, timely, and cohesive, leaving no room for avoidable security gaps.

Human rights protection should occupy a central place in the reform agenda. Nigeria’s experience during the #EndSARS protests exposed deep concerns about police brutality, impunity, and excessive force. Establishing additional police formations may merely multiply opportunities for abuse. Independent complaint commissions, judicial oversight, and regular human rights training are indispensable guarantees.

Political transitions pose another challenge. Changes in state administrations should never trigger wholesale dismissals of police leadership or politically motivated appointments. Professional continuity, rather than partisan loyalty, must define career progression. Uniform training standards, ethical codes, and promotion procedures will help preserve the integrity of the institution regardless of who occupies government office.

History also offers a critical lesson. Nigeria operated regional police forces before 1966, but their widespread political misuse contributed to their eventual abolition. That experience should not automatically condemn present reforms, yet neither should it be ignored. Policymakers must undertake a judicious assessment of past failures and design institutions capable of preventing their recurrence.

Ultimately, state police represent an opportunity to strengthen security, but only if reform is pursued with wisdom rather than haste. Constitutional amendment alone will not guarantee success. Strong oversight institutions, transparent recruitment, sustainable funding, effective intelligence sharing, respect for human rights, and genuine accountability must accompany decentralisation. If these essential conditions are fulfilled, state police could become a valuable pillar of national security instead of another source of instability.