Editorial
Ekiti Poll: Task Before INEC
There is palpable anxiety in Ekiti State as the governorship election will take place in the South West
state on Saturday, June 18, 2022. On that day, the Ekiti people will decide who will succeed Governor Kayode Fayemi, whose term ends soon. In the final list published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), 16 political parties will take part in the election, including 14 male and two female candidates.
A few of the parties and their candidates include Reuben Famuyibo of the Accord Party (AP), Oluwole Oluyede of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Kemi Elebute Halle of the Action Democratic Party (ADP), Biodun Oyebanji of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Olabisi Kolawole of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Segun Oni of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Ranti Ajayi of the Young Progressives Party (YPP), among others.
But despite the presence of more than a dozen political parties in the race, the governorship contest is actually a three horse race among the three most renowned parties in the state. They are the ruling APC, the PDP, which remains the dominant opposition party since it lost power nearly four years ago, and the SDP, a new participant in the power equation.
This development is a radical departure from the normal trend where the APC and the PDP had always emerged as the parties to beat in the governorship race, and most other elections in the state. But the threat posed by the SDP and its candidate, former Governor Oni, cannot be wished away as some people are staking on the party to probably spring incredulity by snatching away the saddle from the two leading challengers.
As the people of Ekiti prepare for the exhilarating election, it is expedient that the necessary atmosphere is set for the contest. Security agents and critical stakeholders should maintain the peace and stem any possible violence. Everyone has to recognise that elections come and go, but the state will remain.
Violence prior to, during and after the election is unjustified because the state is not at war. The kernel of election is to enable the will of the people to preponderate. Democracy is not about killing or bloodshed, it is about choosing willingly. Candidates must instruct their supporters to act in accordance with the law.
It is gratifying that the National Security Adviser (NSA), Babagana Monguno, has assured that the election will be free of malevolence. Speaking at the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security organised by INEC, the NSA, represented on the occasion by Sanusi Galadima, explained that the security agencies were monitoring developments in Ekiti.
Our disquiet stems from the unhealthy role of security agents during elections since the return to democracy in 1999. While it is salient to note that the functions of security personnel are essential in elections, their abusive deployment to intimidate perceived oppositions creates a sense of insecurity itself. We implore them to do the right thing in Ekiti without prejudice. They should prevent human rights violations while at the same time helping to protect and preserve the sanctity of the entire electoral process.
Unfortunately, security operatives actively participate in and finesse the election process. They have also been involved in ballot theft and, of course, they have assisted politicians to espouse some unorthodox wonts. The trend is worrisome. We hope that steps will be taken forthwith to put an end to the situation before the international community takes a greater heed in it.
The sway of money in the country’s electoral process has thickened in worth in our political atmosphere, especially as reflected in the recent presidential primaries of the two dominant political parties. In our opinion, the usual hoard of money in exchange for votes should be discountenanced and halted. The high level of poverty ravaging the country notwithstanding, the electoral body, stakeholders and the anti-graft agencies should wage war against this act in Ekiti, and call on voters to desist from trading their mandates.
INEC cannot afford to fail. We hope the electoral umpire is fully predisposed to hold the first election in Nigeria since President Muhammadu Buhari signed the new Electoral Act into law, which legalises electronic transmission of results. The June 18 gubernatorial election has been deemed by many as a litmus test to ascertain the effectiveness of the newly amended Electoral Act. INEC, therefore, has to ensure the effective deployment of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) for the election.
While the BVAS achieved reasonable success in the Isoko-South 1 Federal Constituency bye-election in Delta State, its deployment in statewide elections like the Anambra governorship and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Area Council was marred with widespread malfunctioning and other challenges, leading to the extension of voting time. Hence, the Ekiti election presents another occasion for the assessment of the functionality of the BVAS and the capacity of INEC to resolve all obstacles observed with its operations in Anambra and the FCT.
Moreover, the use of BVAS is incredibly crucial because the new Electoral Law provides for the deployment of a technological device for the accreditation of voters. Similarly, INEC’s guidelines have made it mandatory to deploy the BVAS as the device now plays a pivotal role in safeguarding elections and in guaranteeing that technical glitches do not disenfranchise any eligible voter who turns out to vote. The Commission is responsible for indemnifying that the BVAS functions optimally on the election day.
Furthermore, the election management body should carry out proper arrangements and make certain that personnel deployed to administer the poll are well-trained. There should be an early deployment of voting materials at the units to facilitate the timely start-up of the polls. The electoral umpire must assure that poll officers conduct themselves in a non-partisan and professional manner throughout the election process. This will bolster citizens’ confidence in the process and enhance participation.
INEC should recognise that Saturday’s election will also set the climate for a similar poll on July 16 in Osun State. Although elections have distinct peculiarities, we firmly believe that the outcome of the Ekiti ballot is likely to influence Osun’s poll in public perception. As candidates are emerging for the next year’s general election, the June 18 voting will open up the electoral space of what to expect in the campaigns and the contest next February.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.