Editorial
For Peace In PDP
These are difficult times for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). An exacerbating leadership crisis is increasingly threatening to split Nigeria’s main opposition party. The whole crunch has been reduced to calls for the resignation of the current National Chairman, Dr Iyorchia Ayu. This has thrown up push and pull forces around the tenure of the embattled party chairman. One camp, led by the Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, is insisting on Ayu’s resignation as a condition for peace. The opposing group headed by the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, is putting up opposition to the call.
The growing dissension has caught up with practically all the crucial organs of the party, slashing their ranks down the middle. The situation has now assumed a North/South power struggle built around mutual distrust and suspicion. The National Working Committee (NWC), which Ayu heads, is not insulated from the conflict. Members of the organ are split up over calls for the chairman’s resignation. The emergence of Atiku as a presidential candidate has altered the entire power control levers in existence before the presidential primaries.
The call for Ayu’s sack took an extensive appeal as some Southern and Northern leaders, like PDP Board of Trustees (BoT) member, Chief Bode George, and former Plateau State governor, Jonah Jang, joined the call for the party’s leadership structure to be balanced and reflect a North/South geopolitical spread. While Atiku has declined to commit to Ayu’s sack, the national chairman had declared that he would not vacate the seat because he was elected for a four-year term in office.
But the gulf between both camps further widened when Ayu got a confidence vote from members of the National Executive Committee (NEC) last Thursday after weeks of speculations about whether he should retain his seat. The decision did not go down well with Wike’s group, which has continued to insist that he must step down. The former BoT chairman, Senator Walid Jibrin, however, gave up his position for Senator Adolphus Wabara, the former Board Secretary, who moved in as acting chairman to guarantee the presence of the South in the party’s top leadership echelon. This has been repudiated by the Wike’s camp as not far-reaching enough.
Every effort must be made to end the impasse in the main opposition party. We are concerned and deeply worried that the unfolding events in the PDP portend a possible recast of the 2015 scenario, where unresolved internal disputes led to high-profile defections to the then-opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). Among the defectors were five PDP governors who accused former President Goodluck Jonathan of reneging on a gentleman’s agreement to zone the party’s presidential ticket to the North.
Senator Ayu’s indiscretion is to blame for the current escalation of the problem. Rather than pursue a peaceful resolution of the matter, the national chairman reacted provocatively to the issues at stake. As the party chairman, we expected that he would be more circumspect and peace-embracing in handling the matters. Unfortunately, he reacted immaturely. His reference to Governor Wike and his supporters as “children” in issues of politics is regrettable. This indicates that the chairman is a poor crisis manager and puerile in his temperament and approach.
It is within the right of the Rivers State governor and his proponents to ask for what is fair and equitable, particularly when there is evidence that the presidential candidate of the party strongly promised that Ayu would step down soon after the primaries to maintain the power-sharing tradition which PDP is recognised and known for. It is unfair for the national chairman and Atiku to renege on this all-important mutual pact.
Therefore, Wike’s insistence on the right thing to be done is justifiable because it serves the interests of justice, peace, and unity in the party. And the right thing is for Ayu to identify with popular calls for him to resign, since he cannot emerge from the same region as Atiku. The truth is if the PDP must go into the campaigns and subsequently the general elections unscathed and in one accord, the so-called confidence vote on the national chairman by the NEC must be revoked to prevent disintegration. Ayu’s complete disbelief in the party’s history and its philosophy of inclusion, spread, and fairness is inconsistent with its founding fathers.
The reason the chairman initially committed to resignation should the presidential candidate emerge from the North was because of the established norms and conventions that find an anchor in the principle of rotation and inclusion. Furthermore, the reason former Vice President Abubakar and others left the PDP in the run-up to the 2015 elections was due to the perceived breach in the rotation of power arrangement that led to the party’s defeat.
It is therefore self-serving and myopic for anyone to advise the party to violate a well-known and settled principle between the North and South that prohibits the presidential candidate and the national chairman to come from the same region. It is unfounded and deceptive to say that five months to the 2023 elections is too short for the party to embark on a simple re-organisation of the NWC to guarantee the inclusion of the South and success at the poll.
The emerging arrogance and grandstanding in some quarters that the North has aligned towards the PDP and therefore the South has become inconsequential may be the party’s undoing for the third time. Every time the PDP lost between 2015 and 2019, it relegated the South in the scheme of things, and it is in the interest of the party to rise above manipulated pre-election polls that tend to corner the presidential candidate to expend money and move on with the campaigns.
A party with 13 governors and in which about five are in controversy is a non-starter ahead of the 2023 elections, regardless of sentiment and grandstanding and also not when competing against a party like the APC. Nigerians are carefully watching the PDP whether it is a party that can rescue the nation and guarantee fairness. It is this kind of short-changing of the South in the main opposition party structure that will make the people rethink.
Sadly, the party appears not to have learnt enough lessons that would make it stand firm against all odds, as individual ambition is fast becoming the overriding interest of its leaders rather than the passion to serve the nation. The crisis in the main opposition party has robbed Nigerians of the opportunity of giving attention to alternative views and having the Federal Government put on its toes. Not a few Nigerians were disappointed that the party could not project any official position when the pump price of petrol was recently jerked up.
Former Vice President Atiku, who today is regarded as the head of the party, must brace up to the challenge and muster the political will to do what is right. He has to reopen negotiations quickly and consider Wike’s demands, including ensuring Ayu’s exit for peace to return to the party. We make bold to state that Governor Wike cannot be intimidated, ignored or relegated, as he still relishes an enormous following. The party must beware of the activities of moles and fifth columnists in its folds, whose interest may be to fan the embers of a relentless feud for the APC to reap from and advance in power beyond 2023.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
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