Editorial
Hope For 2023
Sunday, January 1, 2023, indicates the beginning of the New Year. The start of a new year is often a time for dream
ing new dreams, catching a glimpse of more visions, and looking forward to new hopes. This is also the consummate time for individuals, groups, and nations to take stock of the past year of their lives and make the ineluctable resolutions for a more successful, peaceful and prosperous new year.
Nigerians have come a long way as a people trying to figure out what is driving our country into the throes of floundering leadership, poverty, corruption, and insecurity which intrigue to stunt our national development in so many ways and are blocked on many fronts. Nigerians remain hopeful as the new year commences. However, the events that molded the outgoing year are inadequate to be the basis for any vibrant hope.
This year is perhaps the most violent in Nigeria’s post-civil war history. It has been a year of blood and tears for Nigerians as brutal terrorists and murderous bandits took control of major parts of Northern Nigeria and some areas in the South, ransacking villages, kidnapping travellers, killing hundreds of security personnel and other innocent Nigerians, and maiming and raping others.
In some of these areas, they are said to have imposed their Islamic caliphate flag and levied taxes on residents, including farmers who want security as they work their land and harvest their produce. The rest of the country has not been spared the threat of brazen armed robberies, widespread kidnapping for ransom, constant prison breaks and criminal activities of all kinds.
Still this year, inflation in Nigeria rose for the 10th straight month in November, rising to 21.47 per cent from 21.09 per cent a month earlier as food and energy prices continued to rise, the National Bureau of Statistics said. The statistics office further said the prices of goods and services, measured by the Consumer Price Index, increased by 21.47 per cent in November 2022 compared to the rate in November 2021. The figure is 6.07 per cent points higher than the rate recorded in November 2021.
The country’s prolonged fuel shortages have been exacerbated recently as some petrol stations failed to sell petroleum products or sold them at inflated prices. Shortages lead to soaring transportation costs, affecting goods and merchandise. In a protracted push to control inflation and ease the pressure on the Naira, the Central Bank of Nigeria raised the benchmark lending rate to 16.5 per cent in November.
The poor operation of different economic sectors, especially the agricultural sector, has created ambivalence and job losses. Recurring agrarian-pastoralist crises have deeply hurt agricultural labour and production. Another issue is Nigeria’s weak currency, which is bad for manufacturing. With foreign exchange available only through unofficial channels for many, the prices of raw materials for manufacturing affect the industry and its output. Many organisations cannot scale or hire more people.
Severe floods in Nigeria in September killed more than 600 people and displaced 1.3 million in the country’s most destructive seasonal floods in a decade. Heavy rains combined with poor urban planning have made parts of the country more prone to flooding. More than 200,000 homes and 266,000 acres of farmland were totally or partially damaged.
But in addition to the failure of state governments to prepare early for seasonal flooding, this year’s incident has also been blamed on the release of excess water from Cameroon’s Lagdo Dam in mid-September. Nigeria has no buffer dams to stop this flow, although the need has existed since the Lagdo Dam was built in 1982. The last time there was a major flood emergency was between July and October 2012, when the Niger and Benue rivers deluged.
As 2023 gets underway, we recall Albert Einstein’s words that you cannot solve problems with the same awareness that caused them in the first place. To keep doing the same thing you have done before and expect different results is the height of madness. This is factual at the individual level, as it relates to the guiding principles and values by which we live, and at the national level, as it relates to our institutional framework.
Therefore, next year should be a time for critical assessment by our leaders and policymakers. More intervention programmes are needed to get Nigerians back on their feet. The forthcoming general elections in February and March must be prioritised. President Muhammadu Buhari must ensure credible polls are conducted. noting the unfair electoral processes in the past, the President must leave behind a strong electoral body to ensure plausible leadership emerges.
Politicians and political parties must understand that all participants in the political process are Nigerians and, accordingly, equal stakeholders in the Nigerian project. The same rules apply at the state and local government levels. State power should be used fairly, impartially and equitably for the benefit of all regardless of tribe, religion, race and party.
Also in 2023, security personnel should be charged more. They must take a bottom-up, military-civilian approach to effectively end terrorist violence in the country. We ask them to fulfil their responsibilities by remaining neutral and apolitical while ensuring the safety and security of all Nigerians regardless of party affiliation. Sadly, while our security agencies operate on an analogue level, criminals are changing their tactics. They have to go all in on digitisation.
Additionally, efforts should be focused on reducing the cost of living and inflation in the country in 2023 by implementing pragmatic policies and programmes that have a direct impact on ordinary people who make up the majority of the country’s population, and those who are mainly affected by bad economic policies. Food inflation should be specifically addressed to lower the cost of living for wage earners whose incomes have not been vetted for years.
The Federal Government should not ignore the national census planned for the same year. We want those who drive this task to be fair and just to everyone, including people with disabilities. The National Population Commission should work harder towards a credible and acceptable census that is transformative and meets international standards. In the 2023 census, Nigerians should be counted in the right way, at the right place and at the right time for our collective perquisite.
Enlightened Nigerians should be involved in politics to set the country on the path of real change. They should ensure that the same group of regressive, selfish, ignorant career politicians who resist every attempt to better the country are never re-elected to office. Young Nigerians must take culpability for their future by building networks and bridges across racial and religious barriers and promoting true nation-building values in place of defeatist narratives of subservience and circumvention. That is the path we must take in 2023.
Happy New Year to our esteemed readers and indeed Nigerians!
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.