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2022: A Red-Letter Year

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The year 2022 was like no other year for the average Nigerian, particularly for fixed-salary earners like civil and public servants. It was a year when the combination of inflation, insecurity, volatile foreign exchange, and a spiralling energy cost created a hellish cocktail that unleashed a cost of living crisis, comparable only to the austerity measure Nigerians saw during Buhari’s first advent. Painfully for most families, the traditional 3-square meal was a major casualty.

As I reflect on the travails of the average Nigerian in the outgone year, I shuddered at the thought that, while I might complain of my inability to meet some of the basic needs of my family, 133 million Nigerians are multi-dimensionally poor (a whopping 66.5 percent of the population) – grappling with the lack of access to food, health care, shelter, education, and other necessities of life. By contrast, President Buhari is healthier today than ever, and Bishop Kuka brought the stark difference home during a homily late last year when he said: “We know that you are healthier now than you were before. We can see it in the spring in your steps, the thousands of miles you have continued to cover as you travel abroad. However, I also wish that millions of our citizens had a chance to enjoy just a fraction of their own health by a measurable improvement in the quality of health care in our country.” To add salt to injury, available data from almost every respectable source show that the health sector is on the brink of collapse due to the Japa syndrome.

Unfortunately, it is not yet over, because in the UK alone there is currently a gap of about 46000 health workers according to the NHS; and going by data from previous years Nigeria might end up contributing a third of that number. According to a UK immigration report released in 2022, more than 13000 Nigerian medical professionals were recruited by various health Institutions in the UK between 2021 and 2022. In October 2022, the Nigeria Medical Association (NMA) National President, Dr. Rowland Ojinmah,  reported that 50 medical doctors leave Nigeria weekly, creating a shortage of doctors in most hospitals across the country.  The impact of this labour migration has started to hit home, as major hospitals in big cities, like Port Harcourt are now finding it difficult to hire doctors. In fact, a doctor told me that most private hospitals in Port Harcourt stop seeing our patients after 5:00 pm due to a lack of manpower; but a consultant radiologist at Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, painted a grim picture of the current state of healthcare delivery in the country by explaining that soon, the only option for the sick in Nigeria might be the ‘Babalawo’.

On the economy, energy costs did huge damage to the economy in 2022 second only to the impact of high forex. There was a continual marginal increase of electricity tariff, but no regular supply in most parts of the country. And as a result, the cost of diesel was particularly responsible for the very low-profit margins among most manufacturing firms in the country. It was also the reason why most banks in Port Harcourt and other major cities reduced their operating hours. On a personal level, skyrocketing energy costs ensured my diesel generator remained under lock and key since March 2022. Painfully, the price of the alternative source of fuel, petrol, is now almost at par with the price of diesel. My major regret is not riding the solar train when the dollar was reasonable.

2022, was also a year when ASUU stood its ground in what morphed into the mother of all industrial strikes in our recent memory. The strike action which started on a warning note on February 14, 2022, ended on October 14, 2022, without a clear-cut resolution, or a winner; but the students and their parents are clearly the losers. The long industrial action gave the private universities an undue advantage against public universities, and their students, in the sense that the eight-month-long strike upended the 2021/2022 academic session. But our loss as a nation was a gain in terms of foreign direct investment to countries such as the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Ghana. As of June 2022, Nigeria spent as much as $882 million on education-related expenditures, showing a 34 percent increase when compared to the $667 million spent in the same period in 2021. Notably, there was no foreign direct investment in the opposite direction for the same purpose.

On security, 2022 was really a long night for the devil. Only a few states including Lagos and Rivers had a breather. It was so bad that even the seat of power was threatened. Kuje Prisons was attacked, while the Abuja – Kaduna Road was a killing field, and the rail was not spared. In fact, the Abuja – Kaduna Train attack will forever remain a scar on our national consciousness. But that is not all, because Kaduna was actually Nigeria’s security waterloo in 2022; and for the most fortified state in the country, Nigeria was shamed without measure when the Nigerian Defence Academy in Zaria and the Kaduna Airport were attacked. Sadly, every other attack in Kaduna pales in comparison to the ongoing slaughter of the Indigenous People of Southern Kaduna. Also, the South-East witnessed unprecedented security challenges caused by unknown gunmen, kidnappers, Fulani herdsmen, and the militant wing of the Indigenous People of Biafra.

Lastly, the flood returned in 2022 to a nation as unprepared as it was in 2012. In some areas in Benue and Anambra States especially, new developments have blocked natural waterways; while towns and villages along flood planes in nearly 30 states were submerged under water. Most families would never recover because they lost everything, but the politicians who managed the procurement and distribution of relief are set for life. The East-West Road along the Bayelsa axis was submerged for nearly three weeks, displacing millions of people at the peak; but as usual, the issue of the flood has receded to the back burner until the next flood. This is Nigeria, where lessons learned are never applied.

Sadly, any search for a single indicator trending in the green immediately becomes a fruitless endeavour. With a budget deficit of 5 percent of GDP as against the threshold of 3 percent recommended by the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2007. Headline Inflation is hovering around 21 percent, while food inflation stood at 22 percent; and due to multi-sectoral dislocations in the economy, the unemployment rate is currently at 33 percent, essentially increasing the number of the Nigerian poor by 35 million. Tellingly, youth unemployment stood at 43 percent at the end of 2022.

Many pundits have attributed the state of the economy in 2022 to the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic and other global headwinds, especially the war in Ukraine. However, in truth, we witnessed in 2022 a full-blown case of what happens when unpatriotic, corrupt, and incompetent people wield power. For instance, what effect do the Covid-19 Pandemic and the war in Ukraine have on our daily crude production or the security architecture of the country? Also, is there any correlation between the aforementioned factors and the ASUU strike that destroyed a whole school year? The answer is clearly no.

Interestingly, just before the end of the year, Nigerians were surprised to hear that the Federal Government was working on a review that would be announced most likely in the first quarter of 2023.  According to the Minister for Labour and Productivity, Dr. Chris Ngige, the review is intended to ameliorate the impact of inflation on the cost of living. Ordinarily, it sounds like a kind gesture, however, would it not have been better, fixing  the economy in the first place? Because, if the economy continues on the current trajectory no amount of salary adjustment would make any meaning. On the flip side, it has the visage of vote buying. It is certain, that the APC cannot campaign with a Buhari Scorecard, therefore they have to come up with a mega vote-buying scheme.

In all, the  supposedly incompetence of Buharai, his soft-glove handling of non-state actors, and the general corrupt disposition of his government culminated in setting 2022 apart as a red-letter year; and I join millions of Nigerians to pray that our children may never see another year like the year “2022”.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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