Opinion
Nigeria’s ‘Charge And Bail’ Syndrome And Justice
With the eventual release of 67 under-aged minors detained for involvement in #EndBadGovernance protests in August, the dust of the entire episode appears to have settled without lessons to improve our justice system’s administration. Between July 31 and August 11, 2024, #EndBadGovernance protests rocked through most states across Nigeria. The protests boiled more in the Northern states where the media carried scenes of arsonists burning down and looting public and private establishments. The protests took threatening dimensions when authorities alleged sighting foreign mercenaries amidst protesters who were raising Russian flags and calling on Russia to intervene in Nigeria’s internal affairs. The police subsequently swooped on protesters, encycling among them about 67 minors. Those caught were taken to the federal capital territory, Abuja, and dumped in detention cells.
Protests having been successfully quelled, Nigerians returned to their daily life hustles, while the minors with their adult suspects languished outside public consciousness. It took the coincidental sojourn in police custody, of one Martins Otse aka VeryDarkMan, for public awareness to be redrawn to a forgotten episode. VeryDarkMan had himself got entangled in police nets for posing in police attires allegedly without authorisation, hence his arrest and detention. But VeryDarkMan’s predicaments turned out to be the very channel through which the incarceration of vulnerable kids by state actors, caught the attention of a curious social media activist. As typical of VDM, sooner had he got freed than he released tales that exposed the ugly conditions of kids he met while in police custody. By then the kids had languished for no less than 90 days without arraignments. Most of them having been ferried from as far as Kano, and away from family supports, had starved immensely with pitiable signs of deteriorating health.
In the face of the exposé, police authority swinged into a flurry of actions that within hours, saw all protest detainees arraigned before a court wherein they were committed to prison on stringent bail conditions. Apparently, VDM’s exposé helped the police suddenly crack difficult nuts and untie knots they could not achieve for over 90 days. And quite surprisingly, lingering investigations got concluded within hours while charge sheets got ready for the courts. Was the police in a hurry to extricate itself from an already ugly situation? Even for treasonable offences, the delay in prosecution and the silent manner in which the suspects were incarcerated speak volumes about the inhumane nature of our law enforcement systems, and highlights the nature of maltreatments many other suspects have had to undergo contrary to the primordial principles laid down for the protection of human rights and dignity, even in custody.
That kids protesting against hunger were rounded up and set to languish in hunger for three months, should be deplorable enough to engender empathy. Yet notwithstanding the pitiable conditions in which the fragile kids appeared in court, the presiding judge ruled that, “The defendants are granted bail in the sum of N10 million each, with two sureties in like sum. One of them must be a Level 15 civil servant, and the other a parent of the defendant.” Such indifference smacks of our justice system’s high-handedness and its deposition to using a sledge hammer to punish an errant fly. Whereas, government should lead in the protection of the most vulnerable in society against any form of physical and emotional trauma, ours has become wanting in that regard. It was therefore no great surprise when public outbursts greeted both the exposure of the incarceration and the eventual terms in which the kids were sent to prison.
Many civil society organisations, human rights activists, former presidential candidates, and many others, expressed anger on discovering the inhumane treatment, prompting the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to immediately take over the case files. But with a presidential intervention that finally ordered all charges dropped and all detainees released, it appears to be another closed cycle. However, some Nigerians are calling for sanctions against the Inspector-General of Police, the trial judge and the AGF for allowing such incarcerations against under-aged persons, while others complain that our justice system’s ‘charge and bail’ syndrome does not allow full dissecting of public issues to beneficial conclusions. Some question that, even as Nigeria Police Force Public Relations Officer, Muyiwa Adejobi, insists that children above the age of seven can be charged to court, does Nigeria’s Child Rights Act stipulate that offending kids should be remanded among hardened adult criminals, rather than with trusted guardians?
Does the raising of foreign flags even during protests constitute treason? And for how long should suspects be in police cells before arraignments? On the flip side, the raising of Russian flags might genuinely be worrisome considering the spate of military expeditions across Nigeria’s neighbours in the Sahel, where with alleged Russian backings, military juntas have over-thrown governments and severed Western alliances in favour of Russia. Allowing unbiased investigations into the motives behind the alleged call on Russia to intervene in Nigeria’s internal affairs coupled with the raising of flags during the protests, should have revealed any broader implications. This becomes more pertinent in the face of on-going rumours about coup plots. If our law and justice establishments had been more forthright, all suspects should have been profiled within the stipulations of legal frameworks that ensure humane handling, and the protection of our national integrity.
The outcomes of diligent prosecutions should also have availed Nigerians who supported the protests solely for the genuine purpose of ensuring good governance, the opportunity of knowing if truly the protest was hijacked, how and by whom. In Nigeria, hundreds of arrests go on daily but end up without insightful closures, in a common phenomenon referred locally, as ‘charge and bail.’ Some cases stall due to the frivolity of their origins, and some due to bribery, sheer frustration or politics. While submitting that the trauma of the incarcerated kids should not be swept under the carpets without some consolations, there is need for sanctions against their incarcerators. However, President Tinubu’s order that discharged in one swing, both adult suspects and the maltreated kids, whether out of political calculations having achieved an aim of silencing a protest, or to enable justice, has just repeated an over-beaten cycle – our penchant for ‘charge and bail.
Joseph Nwankwor
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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