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 Nigeria’s ‘Charge And Bail’ Syndrome And Justice 

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With the eventual release of 67 under-aged minors detained for involvement in #EndBadGovernance protests in August, the dust of the entire episode appears to have settled without lessons to improve our justice system’s administration. Between July 31 and August 11, 2024, #EndBadGovernance protests rocked through most states across Nigeria. The protests boiled more in the Northern states where the media carried scenes of arsonists burning down and looting public and private establishments. The protests took threatening dimensions when authorities alleged sighting foreign mercenaries amidst protesters who were raising Russian flags and calling on Russia to intervene in Nigeria’s internal affairs. The police subsequently swooped on protesters, encycling among them about 67 minors. Those caught were taken to the federal capital territory, Abuja, and dumped in detention cells.
Protests having been successfully quelled, Nigerians returned to their daily life hustles, while the minors with their adult suspects languished outside public consciousness. It took the coincidental sojourn in police custody, of one Martins Otse aka VeryDarkMan, for public awareness to be redrawn to a forgotten episode. VeryDarkMan had himself got entangled in police nets for posing in police attires allegedly without authorisation, hence his arrest and detention. But VeryDarkMan’s predicaments turned out to be the very channel through which the incarceration of vulnerable kids by state actors, caught the attention of a curious social media activist. As typical of VDM, sooner had he got freed than he released tales that exposed the ugly conditions of kids he met while in police custody. By then the kids had languished for no less than 90 days without arraignments. Most of them having been ferried from as far as Kano, and away from family supports, had starved immensely with pitiable signs of deteriorating health.
In the face of the exposé, police authority swinged into a flurry of actions that within hours, saw all protest detainees arraigned before a court wherein they were committed to prison on stringent bail conditions. Apparently, VDM’s exposé helped the police suddenly crack difficult nuts and untie knots they could not achieve for over 90 days. And quite surprisingly, lingering investigations got concluded within hours while charge sheets got ready for the courts. Was the police in a hurry to extricate itself from an already ugly situation? Even for treasonable offences, the delay in prosecution and the silent manner in which the suspects were incarcerated speak volumes about the inhumane nature of our law enforcement systems, and highlights the nature of maltreatments many other suspects have had to undergo contrary to the primordial principles laid down for the protection of human rights and dignity, even in custody.
That kids protesting against hunger were rounded up and set to languish in hunger for three months, should be deplorable enough to engender empathy. Yet notwithstanding the pitiable conditions in which the fragile kids appeared in court, the presiding judge ruled that, “The defendants are granted bail in the sum of N10 million each, with two sureties in like sum. One of them must be a Level 15 civil servant, and the other a parent of the defendant.” Such indifference smacks of our justice system’s high-handedness and its deposition to using a sledge hammer to punish an errant fly. Whereas, government should lead in the protection of the most vulnerable in society against any form of physical and emotional trauma, ours has become wanting in that regard. It was therefore no great surprise when public outbursts greeted both the exposure of the incarceration and the eventual terms in which the kids were sent to prison.
Many civil society organisations, human rights activists, former presidential candidates, and many others, expressed anger on discovering the inhumane treatment, prompting the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to immediately take over the case files. But with a presidential intervention that finally ordered all charges dropped and all detainees released, it appears to be another closed cycle. However, some Nigerians are calling for sanctions against the Inspector-General of Police, the trial judge and the AGF for allowing such incarcerations against under-aged persons, while others complain that our justice system’s ‘charge and bail’ syndrome does not allow full dissecting of public issues to beneficial conclusions. Some question that, even as Nigeria Police Force Public Relations Officer, Muyiwa Adejobi, insists that children above the age of seven can be charged to court, does Nigeria’s Child Rights Act stipulate that offending kids should be remanded among hardened adult criminals, rather than with trusted guardians?
Does the raising of foreign flags even during protests constitute treason? And for how long should suspects be in police cells before arraignments? On the flip side, the raising of Russian flags might genuinely be worrisome considering the spate of military expeditions across Nigeria’s neighbours in the Sahel, where with alleged Russian backings, military juntas have over-thrown governments and severed Western alliances in favour of Russia.  Allowing unbiased investigations into the motives behind the alleged call on Russia to intervene in Nigeria’s internal affairs coupled with the raising of flags during the protests, should have revealed any broader implications. This becomes more pertinent in the face of on-going rumours about coup plots. If our law and justice establishments had been more forthright, all suspects should have been profiled within the stipulations of legal frameworks that ensure humane handling, and the protection of our national integrity.
The outcomes of diligent prosecutions should also have availed Nigerians who supported the protests solely for the genuine purpose of ensuring good governance, the opportunity of knowing if truly the protest was hijacked, how and by whom. In Nigeria, hundreds of arrests go on daily but end up without insightful closures, in a common phenomenon referred locally, as ‘charge and bail.’ Some cases stall due to the frivolity of their origins, and some due to bribery, sheer frustration or politics. While submitting that the trauma of the incarcerated kids should not be swept under the carpets without some consolations, there is need for sanctions against their incarcerators. However, President Tinubu’s order that discharged in one swing, both adult suspects and the maltreated kids, whether out of political calculations having achieved an aim of silencing a protest, or to enable justice, has just repeated an over-beaten cycle – our penchant for ‘charge and bail.

Joseph Nwankwor

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Opinion

Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance 

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Quote:”But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged”.

The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.

The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.

For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.

President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.

The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.

Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.

The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.

But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.

It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.

Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.

The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.

Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.

Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.

Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.

Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.

Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.

“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.

The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.

As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.

The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.

By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator

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Opinion

Checking Herdsmen Rampage

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Quote:”
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
According to reports,   suspected Fulani herdsmen on June 25, 2025 invaded Ueken, the ancestral home of the Tai Kingdom, in the Ogoni Ethnic Nationality of Rivers State and murdered one  Goodluck Dimkpa, a father of one. The attack has reportedly caused panic and led to residents fleeing the community. It also generated coordinated protests from aggrieved Ogoni youths.
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and  strongly condemned the  invasion  by suspected Fulani herdsmen.

In his denunciation,  MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”

He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.

On June 13-14, 2025, about 200 adults and children were reported to have been gruesomely murdered and burnt in Yelewata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, by suspected herdsmen who stormed the community, attacked the innocent people, and wreaked  havoc described as one the deadliest attacks in the Middle Belt of Nigeria, in recent times.Two days before the Yelewata senseless massacre, precisely on June 11, 2025, about 25 people were killed in Makurdi still by people suspected to be Fulani herdsmen.
Plateau State, Southern Kaduna and other Middle Belt States have their own tales of woe from the unprovoked attacks by the Fulani herdsmen leading to loss of lives and properties.
Some upland Local Government Areas  of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.

In my considered view the Fulani herdsmen whom life means nothing to, have gone too far. The right to life and property are fundamental but the  herdsmen’s invasions violate such inalienable rights of the people.Already Nigeria seems to exist on a precipice with the majority of her about 200 million people groaning in the quagmire of unpopular economic policies, reprehensible democratic practices translating to a gale of decampment to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) which is a tell-tale sign of an imminent one party State, looting of public funds with impunity and barefaced corruption in all sectors of the nation.
Nigerians, therefore, cannot afford to live with the debilitating consequences that the activities of the Fulani herdsmen portend in the face of the trending precarious socio-political and economic challenges. In fact, in all the States like Benue, Borno, Plateau, where incessant herdsmen attacks are frequent, residents live in petrified fear because of the disregard and disrespect for the sanctity of human lives. This fear leads to gross lack of development.
The governors of those States though Chief security officers, seem to be incapacitated, to carry out the primary responsibility of protection of lives and property of their citizens as enshrined in the grand norm. The mayhem caused by herdsmen in many states of Nigeria has left indelible pains in some families and communities, sufficient enough to make the government to control the activities of the herdsmen.
Some of these men who claim to ply their occupation are seen carrying lethal weapons. Which law in Nigeria gives people right to illegally possess weapons? How could the herders publicly carry lethal weapons without security operatives’ arresting and questioning them? The Fulani herdsmen, it’s not out of place to say,  are above the law. Because of their possession of weapons, the herdsmen are licensed to destroy lives, property and crops-the source of livelihood of others, thereby increasing food insecurity, poverty, hunger,  hostility and lack of development.
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land? Such nonsense must be made to stop, no matter whose ox is gored. Security operatives should be proactive to check  attempts of Fulani herdsmen to breach the peace. They should arrest and prosecute culprits because Fulani herdsmen who perpetrate  the heinous  acts have always been allowed to go  non reprimanded.
There is need to enhance vigilance and community coordination while residents should be alert,  take necessary precautions and work with traditional rulers, chiefs, youth leaders and local vigilante to stem the ugly trend.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?

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As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.

Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.

In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.

This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years.  Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.

Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.

All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.

Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.

Ehebha  God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.

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