Opinion

Local Government Autonomy: How Desirable?

Published

11 years ago

November 24, 2014

The two chambers of the National Assembly recently adopted the proposal for administrative and financial autonomy for local governments as the third tier of government in the federation. While this move was received with joy among stakeholders in the local government system, others like primary school teachers and state governors opposed it, giving the problem of executive recklessness and ineffective administration at the local level as some of their reasons.
What do Port Harcourt residents think about this burning issue? Our Chief Correspondent, Calista Ezeaku and photographer, Dele Obinna went round the city to find out.

Prince Ekong Omirsen -Protocol Officer
The local government employees have been looking for this autonomy. I think it is better that local government as a third tier of government be autonomous. That will ensure that local governments are not being toyed with. Most of the chairmen are not even sure of themselves.
They come into power almost by selection and they pay allegiance to those who selected and not those who voted them in. But if LGAs are going to be autonomous, then intending chairmen would talk to the people, the people will vote them in and they would pay allegiance to the masses and not the governors.
You see, in this country we are always looking for scape goats. The governors alleged that LGA chairmen abuse their offices and that’s why they want to control LGAs. If they say the chairmen abuse their offices, I think other segements, of the government also abuse their offices. So we cannot take the chairmen as scape goats. So I will want the local governments to be fully autonomous, where the local government chairmen will be fully incharge and they will not be answerable to any body other than the masses. They will be check-mated by the councillors. There will be proper checks and balances.

David Dakoru – Pastor
My opinion over the independence of the local government is very straight. There are three tiers of government in Nigeria – Federal, State and Local government. The Federal and State are autonomous. So I support the bill in the National Assembly that the right thing should be done. More powers should be given to the local government.
A situation where the states collect money from the national, take the bulk sum and give pea nuts to local governments cannot make the local governments to work effectively.
Some people have argued that granting autonomy to local governments will enhance corruption in the country but I disagree with that. When we talk about corruption in Nigeria, it cuts across every segment of the society. Both at the Federal, State and Local governments, there are corrupt people. In government of today, there are only a few people that are not corrupt. At least fifty percent of the people are corrupt from the federal down to the grassroots.
But why I am emphasising that the local government should be autonomous is because the greater number of the population dwell in the rural area. And these local government areas are supposed to have major infrastructure, but they are not there. In Rivers State, the governor tried to a little extent. He used the allocations collected to build the primary health centres and schools which is a welcome development. Now, the primary functions of local government are not being attended to because of inadequate fund. It might be true that some local government chairmen cannot account for the little money they collect monthly but the truth of the matter is that you cannot be 100 per cent clean.
But if you give a local government may be N100m, by the time they deduct the meney for the over head cost – salaries and so on – what will be remaining cannot even be used to build roads. I believe LGAs can make more impact if they are granted autonomous status. The control of the local governments by state governors impedes their growth and development. They can sack a local government chairman overnight and either bring him back again or put another person.
It is not supposed to be so. How many times has a governor been sacked like that? Both of them were elected.
Let us freely allow them to do their jobs. What is the essence of creating the local government areas if they will not have the funds and freedom to operate?

Bar. Chinda – Legal practitioner I think the constitutional amendment is a good development. We have been longing for this for a long time and we hope and wish that the national assembly will keep it to their word and the president will assent to the bill. Ordinarily, as a lawyer, I do not see anything wrong with local government autonomy because previously local governments had been treated as if they were nothing. But with the amendment, at least LGAs will be able to get fund directly from the federal government and no governor irrespective of his party affiliation or that of a council chairman will disband a LG. There is a Supreme Court authority which says that no governor has any right to disband a local government properly constituted. But most governors have been doing that for a very long time.
They come into power and probably the LG chairmen are not of the same party with them, they would disband the LGA leadership and appoint a care taker committee.
I think this wouldn’t come into effect again if local governments become autonomous I also think if there is proper checks and balances on local governments, autonomy will not increase corruption in the system as some people believe. Auditors are prepared to do their work. Now and again, the Federal Government has to send auditors directly from the federal government and no longer states to audit local governments. It will also be the responsibility of the Federal Government to make sure that local government chairmen actually sit in their local areas and deliver. And there has to be monitoring of projects and evaluation of projects and if they are not up to expectation, more funds will not be delivered to them. In my own opinion there has to be a local government minister, directly responsible to checkmate the activities of LGAs.
I believe the amendment will sail through depending on the discipline of the legislators because even if the governors gang up against it, our people in the Assembly will not buy into that idea.

Bar. Maxwell Oji- Legal Practitioner
I think that is the best news of the day because the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, being a grundnorm ought to be respected. The issue of the autonomy of the local government is a constitutional matter and it ought to be followed to the letter. If we have three tiers of government – the federal, the state and the local government, it follows therefore that in as much as the federal and state receive what belongs to them, then what belongs to the local government ought to be given to them. There is no point having autonomy in name but not in practice. Its wrong.
It’s obvious that autonomy of the local government will facilitate development in the grassroots because if what belongs to LGAs are given to them, it is believable that if things follow the way it should be the chairmen should be able to know the needs of those at the grass root and as provided by the constitution as their duties and responsibilities, I supposed that they should be able to do that which constitutionally is given to them as their responsibilities. And to ensure that the money allocated to the local government areas are not embezzled by the chairmen, the anti-corruption agencies should be up and doing. There should be proper checks and balances.
Recently the governors alleged that the local government chairman are hardly in their offices. That they run government areas from their hotel accommodation in the cities, that the state governments have taken away all the big projects ought to be executed by LGAs like funding of primary school education, roads, health care and all that. They argued that if these big jobs are taken away from LGAs, what is now left for them to do is to only pay workers salaries.
So if autonomy will be granted LGs, they should ensure that they take back these responsibilities specified by the constitution that these are the responsibilities meant for the LGAs. Chairman should take back these responsibilities and let the fund meant for these responsibilities be given to them.
Mr. JJ – Civil Servant
In this Nigeria what is causing confusion is that we don’t even know the type of democracy we are practicing. I don’t know where we borrowed our own type of democracy. I don’t know whether we are practicing presidential system of government, true federalism, which we are not seeing in place.’ If we say we borrowed a democracy from America, we suppose not to be arguing whether the local government should be autonomous or not. The state governments have hijack most of the revenue that the LGAs are entitled to. The states have also hijacked most of the functions of the LGAs like education. That is why there is so much decay in our educational sector. Previously, when LGAs were in charge of primary schools, inspectors on routine inspection to primary schools. Now nobody does all they are interested in is approval by the ministry. No routine checks.
The states have virtually taken all the jobs that LGAs are supposed to be doing because of the financial gains. So it is good we state the type of government we are running because they say we have the federal, state and local governments. How can the Local Government now be under the state governments. Is it still three ties of government? I don’t think so.

Mr. Dallas Olodun-NOA staff
The general view will be that it is good for democracy. But I have always been concerned about governance in Nigeria and the abuse of power by those in authority. Governors have always been criticised for mismanaging public funds and I don’t know how reliable the LGA chairmen will be in terms of managing fund, in terms of utilizing funds, in terms of properly appropriating these funds if LGAs are granted full autonomy. Besides payment of salaries what will they use this money for?
However, I believe the main aim of creating the local government area as the third tier of government is for grassroots development. The chairmen know the grassroots, they know the needs of the people. So it is a wrong allegation for governors to say that the autonomy of local government will lead to ineffectiveness and corruption. As I always say, Governors over night become billionaires, why shouldn’t chairmen become millionaires? Why are they kicking against it? They are not clean in the first place, so they shouldn’t kick against it.
I quite agree that the local governments are answerable to the states just like the states are answerable to the federal government. There should be a level of control of the local government council, LGAs should be autonomous to a large extent especially in terms of managing their funds. Even the federal government will still have hands in the running of LGAs.
But I think they should try and allow the LGAs to be autonomous for now and assess the level of development in the next four to eight years. We shouldn’t wait for NULGE to call out its members to protest at various state houses of assembly or to embark on strike before the bill is considered. Nigeria is becoming a strike action environment. It shouldn’t get to that level.

Opinion

Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

3 days ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”

The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.

Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.

This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.

Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.

Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.

Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

3 days ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.

According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?

Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.

President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.

While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.

Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.

Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.

It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.

By: Joseph Nwankwor

Opinion

The Girl Who Didn’t Dance

Published

1 week ago

November 19, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”

This piece is, primarily, the story of the girl who refused to dance during my first public performance as a pop musician. The event was the birthday party of Okechukwu Ogbowu at the residence of Chief Moses Nma Ogbowu at Omoku in February 1968. Secondarily, it is the story of a group of Ogba/Egbema youths who the chiefs considered rebellious and should, therefore, be watched very carefully. These two anecdotes are woven together by the story of my foray into music as a career in my youth. In 1958, I went on holidays to the home of my uncle Eze JNA Nwachuku at Ahoada. There, I heard a very strange music that tickled my preteen fancy to the point I started singing it using words I made up; I was eight. Back to Alinso Okeanu (Beach) after the holidays, the kids in the cosmopolitan community were wowed by my air and swag while singing the very strange song.

Years later, I learned the real words of the jazz classic “Hit the Road Jack” by Ray Charles. At fifteen, I was arraigned before a juvenile court in Omoku for singing a love song that contained the word “kiss” to the princess of Ogbaland at Ahia Orie market square; though discharged and acquitted, I was bound over to be of good behavior for six months. At sixteen, I got de-robed from the choir of St. Michael’s Church, Omoku for buying a guitar and audaciously changing my name from Enoch. At seventeen, I had my debut at Okechukwu’s birthday party where the girl, who is the primary focus of this piece, did not dance. During the party. I performed three songs: (1) “All My Loving” by The Beatles, which was the song that took me to the juvenile court, (2) “Midnight Hour” by Wilson “Wicked” Pickett and (3) “Please Don’t Tease” by Cliff Richard.

These songs are laden with amorous innuendos and have the words “kiss” and “love”, which were considered sacrilegious in those days. The veiled explicitness of Wicked Pickett’s lyricism didn’t help matters either; it added to the excitement, which became more palpable and the connection between crowd and artiste grew more profound, when Innocent Masi (now Dr. IA Masi mni) placed a five shillings note on my forehead. Everyone at the party virtually summersaulted on the dance floor, which was the interior balcony of Ogbowu’s house, the most beautiful house in Omoku then. The next day, the chiefs held an emergency meeting at the home of Chief S.O. Masi who was Commissioner of Onitsha Province during the First Republic; that province is now Anambra State. The single item on the agenda was the worrisome activities of the youths.

At the end of the meeting, a chief, whose name and the first book of the Gospels would tango smoothly to the rhythms and rhymes of poetry, threatened to shoot me if he ever saw me near his house with my jita. I perfectly understood his predicament; he had many pretty daughters. Poor fellow, unbeknownst to him, I was yet to know the difference between the birds and the bees. The next evening, Monday Wokocha (late Professor Addison), Gary Omo-Odi and I dared the chief in a daredevil episode that belongs in another narrative. He shot…in the air. That day, my parents seized my guitar and grounded me. Subsequently, my uncle Nwachuku whisked me off to Port Harcourt. Back to the party; yes, everyone at the party virtually summersaulted except a girl from Obite who didn’t step on the dance floor. She was slim, beautiful and quite tall for girls (even for boys) of that era; so, she stood very elegant.

Beyond the call-response greetings that characterize the socio-culture of the people of Ogba and Egbema, she was almost taciturn; she was shy and rarely spoke except when spoken to. However, she had a smile that lit up the environment as it contrasted with her ebony skin that glowed with the radiance of youth. I think Kamala Harris placed an order for that specific smile from the warehouse of the Divine on her way to this dimension. The girl who didn’t dance was Ngozi Elemele; daughter of Chief Samuel Elemele, a devout Christian, business man and highly patriotic Ogba man from Obite. Ngozi’s refusal (or was it inability?) to dance made us tease her that she has “two left legs” hence she couldn’t move them to the pulsating and compulsive rhythm of pop music. She just kept on smiling and that was an impregnable armor against our social arrows.

That calmness under relentless peer pressure earned her the moniker “Nwanjinwa” (Girl Nextdoor) amongst us; it contrasted with “Okoronwangbogbo”(prodigal son), which the vicar at St. Michael’s tagged me as he de-robed me from the choir. Those were the heady days of our lives. In 2024, a social commentator subjected the youths of Ogba/Egbema of that era to a critique. He observed that, irrespective of their youthful exuberance with a dose of mischief, that generation of Ogba/Egbema youths effectively took advantage of the ample educational opportunities provided by government immediately after the civil war. Also, he noted that that party produced four medical doctors, two lawyers, one architect, two general managers of parastatals, two chairmen of local government, three permanent secretaries, one head of service, three professors, and a deputy governor.

Concluding the analysis, the critic held that while many in the group held more than one position in the categorization, Ngozi Elemele, the girl who didn’t dance, held more top level public positions than the rest. She was Permanent Secretary, Commissioner, became Professor and is now Deputy Governor. Today, the Obite girl who didn’t dance at the party in 1968 is gracefully and elegantly waltzing at the center stage of Rivers State politics as Her Excellency, Prof Mrs. Ngozi Nma Odu DSSRS, the Deputy Governor of Rivers State. Her excellent performance in public office is a product of decades of fierce focus on the future, dedication and devotion to duty, resolute resilience, humility and simplicity; years spent climbing the arduous ladder of mainstream bureaucracy from Grade Level 08 to the apex of the pyramid, serving as Commissioner and thereafter venturing into the intellectually challenging trajectory of academics and also peaking at the apex of professorship and, eventually, clenching the coveted position of Deputy Governor of Rivers State.

Naturally, I was very delighted and humbled by the honor and privilege of being chairman of the occasion where Akabuka Community honored Her Excellency with a grand reception on October 25, 2025. It was very gratifying that her boss, His Excellency Sir Siminalaye Fubara GSSRS, supportively graced the occasion as Special Guest of Honor, a reflection of humility and simplicity in high profile office, which is uncommon in our society. Who says focus, determination, drive and hard work do not pay? They did then; they do now and they always will. Are the youths of today listening? “He that hath ears to hear, let him hear” (Matthew 11:15).

Akparikolamo!!!

By: Jason Osai