Opinion
Inclusive Participation: Panacea To N’Delta Question
Usman Alabi in one of his articles on “addressing the Niger Delta question”, wrote that “the Niger Delta question stares us in the face and it will keep haunting us as a nation until it is addressed”.
Usman in his view, was simply stating the obvious. Apart from the way and manner youths of the Niger Delta present their grouse, any sane leader should concern himself with the legitimacy of their demands with a view to considering how a solution could be proffered.
Thursday December 1, 2016 afforded me the grace to access the plight of the inhabitants of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Apart from taking an optical exploration into the terrain, lives and times of the neighbourhood, dwellers through media documentary, the Niger Delta Women Social Forum (NDWSF) organised by Gender and Development Action (GADA), with support from the Dutch Embassy, provided a good platform for a panorama of the 16-point agenda of the Niger Delta leaders to the Federal Government of Nigeria.
The presidential amnesty programme, law and justice issues, the effect of increased military presence in the Niger Delta, the Ogoni clean up and environmental remediation, the maritime university issue, key regional critical infrastructure, security surveillance and protection of oil and gas infrastructure, relocation of administrative and operational headquarters of IOCs, economic development and empowerment and the inclusive participation in oil industry as well as ownership of oil blocks among others, formed the basis for the representation made by the Niger Delta leaders on November 1, 2016 to the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari.
Good work! In fairness to the delegates. However, there lies a big question mark underneath. Will this catalogue of needs of the Niger Deltans as represented by their leaders, if attended to, provide the requisite solution to the Niger Delta question?
For sure, Niger Delta has suffered insecurity for long, Niger Delta has been grossly exploited by the oil exploring companies over the years, but were these without any form of compensation even though it could be adjudged grossly inadequate?
What were the reasons behind the establishment of the Niger Delta Development Basin Authority, the Petroleum Trust Fund, the Niger Delta Development Commission and the Ministry of Niger Delta by various past administrations?
Not quite long, Senator Peter Nwaoboshi, a member of the senate committee on Niger Delta Affairs, was quoted as saying that “a lot of money has been voted for the execution of projects but very little is seen on ground” for which his committee was mandated to carry out a holistic investigation into the activities of the Niger Delta Development Commission to determine how well it has performed.
In addition to previous developmental agencies established to address the Niger Delta question, the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, in the year 2000, established the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) with the sole mandate of developing the oil rich Niger Delta region.
In September 2008, late president Umaru Yar’Adua announced the formation of a Niger Delta Ministry, with the NigerDelta Development Commission to become a parastatal under the ministry. This was largely in response to the demands of the Niger Deltans most notably the Ijaws and Ogonis, justified by the extensive environmental degradation and pollution from oil activities.
From past experiences, one is poised to think that the Niger Delta question can better be addressed from within. It is not in doubt that the region has witnessed money flow through the pipes laid under ground without a grasp of it, a reason for which its youths turned restive over night with new titles as pipeline vandals.
The crave and craze for a firm grip of the inestimable wealth passing through the pipes have been suspected to constitute over 80% of the reason behind the pollution of our environment for which much clamour is made for its clean up.
Thus, the writer is most fascinated about the clauses on economic development and empowerment as well as the inclusive participation of the Niger Deltans in oil business as featured by our leaders in their presentation to the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Sidelining the goose that lays the golden egg from the control and management of the eggs, is tantamount to jeopardizing the fate of the eggs. If what is being catalogued constitutes the aches and pains of the Niger Delta, then get it involved in the management of its resources, and you can be sure of the proverbial dog that is not tempted by the bone hung round its neck.
Sylvia ThankGod – Amadi
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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