Opinion
Reformed SARS, Undefined Beats
Like the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity, with a large number of Nigerian devotees, we now have a Reformed Special Anti-Robbery Squad of the Nigeria Police (SARS). Nigerian devotees and friends of the police are asking: would the SARS no longer be seen as “Agbero Squad” (SA)? The Inspector-General of Police was quoted recently as reading a Riot Act to a Reformed SARS, warning its members not to engage in human rights abuses but concentrate on their primary task of going after armed robbers and kidnappers. They are also to wear uniform and name-tags for easy identification of those who may bring discredit to the unit or the police generally.
While the police high command must be commended for responding to the numerous complaints from Nigerian public against the brutish and unprofessional mode of operation of SARS, the public expects more. Undoubtedly, crime is a growing menace as well as an industry in Nigeria. It would require a combination of the efforts and cooperation of the police and public to address the menace of criminality. No one can claim to have all the knowledge, skill and resources necessary to fight crime in the society. It requires the goodwill and cooperation of all stakeholders for better results to be achieved.
There is a local idiom that a dancer rarely sees his own back in the dancing arena. If that idiom is applied to the police in general and SARS unit in particular, it means there is need for reflection and synergy. The police should do some self-interrogation and also have the courage and unassumingness to correct deficiencies in its household. Happily the Nigeria police is a sensitive and responsive institution, as demonstrated in its reform of the SARS. Orderly Room is also a control mechanism.
However, an institution and its service ethics and operational guidelines are not the same as the dispositions and temperaments of its individual members. While the police has a culture of weeding out “bad eggs” in its household, there is hardly any doubt that a number of its officers and men have made themselves ready and willing tools at the service of some retrogressive force. Members of the SARS, rather than go after armed robbers and kidnappers, have allowed themselves to be hired by debt collectors, landlords and other money bags to serve their private agenda or vendetta, for some fees.
While there are a large number of noble men and women in the Nigeria Police, including some who are pastors and Imams, there are also some bad eggs, the same as can be found in other organizations. While the bad ones may not all be identified and penalized, there should be a means of ensuring that justice is seen to be done, in reported cases of infractions. When “esprit de corps” or the spirit of collegiality which is the pride of the police force, is carried to the extent of shielding acts of indiscipline, that would be capable of bringing discredit to the police.
Let it be known to police officers and men in uniform that some of the people whom they encounter daily are not only former police officers but also members of various security agencies on various missions. Including those who brag and boast and wield their weapons irresponsibly, there is a need for them to keep in mind the fact that they are not the only adepts in weaponry and unarmed combat. But when they operate as drunken hooligans they can be taught some lessons by those who know better.
Therefore, apart from reforming and rebranding the SARS unit of the police, there is also a need to give its operatives some new orientation in public relations and criminology. One of such orientations includes the fact that criminality in Nigeria has taken a more sophisticated level now than in the past. To fight the crime-world with bravado and brute force like Jack Bower is to take needless risk. The police usually has specially trained officers placed in charge of criminals under police supervision. Through such police supervisees the trails and activities of other criminals can be monitored. There are also police informants who can have some special protection and cover. Synergy between the police and the under-world is not uncommon, just as possibility of rehabilitation of criminals is also common.
Politeness and evidence of good breeding should not be alien to members of the police and SARS in particular, but what we often see is brashness and crudity which also alienate them from the public. They should be friends.
The sophisticated nature of high-level crimes in Nigeria is such that SARS operatives would need more than axes, horse-whips, voodoo amulets and such other accoutrements that they work with, to be able to handle the menace. How much have we invested in modern tracking devices, profiling and personal dozzier of criminals in Nigeria, including foreign accomplices?
Must we go after the small fish in the crime-world when the shark prowl about freely? Must baboons over-run the town?
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer, Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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