Opinion
This Executive Financial Recklessness
In line with the current administration’s concentrated fight against corruption and corruptive machinations, one thought the lingering security vote contention would have been resolved and done away with a long time ago. I was wrong. It exists and waxing even stronger.
Some civil society organisations (CLOs) have equally made a similar observation and asked the state and federal authorities to end the tradition. The call by the CLOs is appropriate and long overdue. It is a remarkable call to well-meaning Nigerians to escalate pressure on the government to end this executive financial recklessness.
A relic of the military regime, security votes are pillaging of funds released to chief executives to deal with unexpected security developments during the military era. Since then it has flourished without subjecting monies involved to scrutiny by an accounting authority. This is clearly against the open governance system modern democracy advocates.
Statistics reveal that states and the federal government squandered a prodigious N241.4b on security votes in 2017. Even the Transparency International (TI) has acknowledged that the security vote is one of the most official forms of corruption in Nigeria.
The TI further disclosed that these votes constitute more than 70% of the annual budget of the Nigerian Police Force, almost three times the United States of America’s (USA) security assistance to countries since 2012, and more than 15 times the United Kingdom (UK) counter-terrorism support for 2016 – 2020. This is appalling for a country in need of critical infrastructure.
In spite of the humongous security votes and the annual budgetary provisions for security, very little is visible in that sector. The ongoing war against insurgency in the North East has uncovered so much. We have seen how the war is laced with major disparagements.
New variants of security breaches are perpetrated again and again without restraint. How then are the huge amounts of security votes utilised and what do beneficiaries of the money do with them? The high rate of kidnapping, murder and armed robbery, to mention but a few, has given pertinency to the questions.
Sundry tales bordering on how governors utilise their security votes occupy every single space in the media. Some amass stupendous wealth like houses or landed properties of unimaginable proportion and stack them abroad. They also use the monies to finance unscrupulous fancies and political patronages.
The reticence by the National and State Assembly, and the federal government on this issue is unpalatable to the situation. This conspiracy of silence only demonstrates how disingenuous the benefiting tiers of government are and how feeble the anti-corruption fight has been.
Any government that would fight corruption must first appreciate its prejudicial effects. Encapsulated in a typical anti-corruption fight must be the elimination of certain traditional practices (such as the security vote in question) that engender corruption and expose political and public office holders to misappropriate funds.
As Charles Caleb Colton would say, “corruption is like a ball of snow, once it’s set a rolling it must increase”. The military bequeathed this practice that has festered. But some chief executives have added the dangerous dimension of sponsoring crises in their domains to justify the retention of the system. It has become the issue of corruption breeding more corruption.
The cabalistic administration of security vote is an abnormality. Atifete Jahjaga in his book, Power, Law, Democracy, Accountability says, “Democracy must be built through open societies that share information. When there is information, there is enlightenment. When there is debate, there are solutions. When there is no sharing of power, no rule of law, no accountability, there is abuse, corruption, subjugation and indignation”.
Security vote is a constitutional aberration that is contrary to a noble sense of morality. It is one of the most obnoxious policies of democratic administrations and the clearest exemplar of wholesale corruption in our country. Secrecy, opaqueness, and non-accountability associated with this practice are reprehensible in a democratic system, which demands openness, accountability, and transparency.
The Court of Appeal in Abuja in the case of former Taraba State governor, Jolly Nyame, clearly stated that failure of public officers to give an account of security votes entrusted to them amounts to stealing or criminal misappropriation and is akin to genocide. This was part of the reasons the Court affirmed the conviction of Nyame.
The way out is for both state and federal lawmakers to give effect to the court judgment. They have to be audacious enough to pass bills to at least pare substantially the staggering funds which our chief executives keep as security votes.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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