Opinion
This Executive Financial Recklessness
In line with the current administration’s concentrated fight against corruption and corruptive machinations, one thought the lingering security vote contention would have been resolved and done away with a long time ago. I was wrong. It exists and waxing even stronger.
Some civil society organisations (CLOs) have equally made a similar observation and asked the state and federal authorities to end the tradition. The call by the CLOs is appropriate and long overdue. It is a remarkable call to well-meaning Nigerians to escalate pressure on the government to end this executive financial recklessness.
A relic of the military regime, security votes are pillaging of funds released to chief executives to deal with unexpected security developments during the military era. Since then it has flourished without subjecting monies involved to scrutiny by an accounting authority. This is clearly against the open governance system modern democracy advocates.
Statistics reveal that states and the federal government squandered a prodigious N241.4b on security votes in 2017. Even the Transparency International (TI) has acknowledged that the security vote is one of the most official forms of corruption in Nigeria.
The TI further disclosed that these votes constitute more than 70% of the annual budget of the Nigerian Police Force, almost three times the United States of America’s (USA) security assistance to countries since 2012, and more than 15 times the United Kingdom (UK) counter-terrorism support for 2016 – 2020. This is appalling for a country in need of critical infrastructure.
In spite of the humongous security votes and the annual budgetary provisions for security, very little is visible in that sector. The ongoing war against insurgency in the North East has uncovered so much. We have seen how the war is laced with major disparagements.
New variants of security breaches are perpetrated again and again without restraint. How then are the huge amounts of security votes utilised and what do beneficiaries of the money do with them? The high rate of kidnapping, murder and armed robbery, to mention but a few, has given pertinency to the questions.
Sundry tales bordering on how governors utilise their security votes occupy every single space in the media. Some amass stupendous wealth like houses or landed properties of unimaginable proportion and stack them abroad. They also use the monies to finance unscrupulous fancies and political patronages.
The reticence by the National and State Assembly, and the federal government on this issue is unpalatable to the situation. This conspiracy of silence only demonstrates how disingenuous the benefiting tiers of government are and how feeble the anti-corruption fight has been.
Any government that would fight corruption must first appreciate its prejudicial effects. Encapsulated in a typical anti-corruption fight must be the elimination of certain traditional practices (such as the security vote in question) that engender corruption and expose political and public office holders to misappropriate funds.
As Charles Caleb Colton would say, “corruption is like a ball of snow, once it’s set a rolling it must increase”. The military bequeathed this practice that has festered. But some chief executives have added the dangerous dimension of sponsoring crises in their domains to justify the retention of the system. It has become the issue of corruption breeding more corruption.
The cabalistic administration of security vote is an abnormality. Atifete Jahjaga in his book, Power, Law, Democracy, Accountability says, “Democracy must be built through open societies that share information. When there is information, there is enlightenment. When there is debate, there are solutions. When there is no sharing of power, no rule of law, no accountability, there is abuse, corruption, subjugation and indignation”.
Security vote is a constitutional aberration that is contrary to a noble sense of morality. It is one of the most obnoxious policies of democratic administrations and the clearest exemplar of wholesale corruption in our country. Secrecy, opaqueness, and non-accountability associated with this practice are reprehensible in a democratic system, which demands openness, accountability, and transparency.
The Court of Appeal in Abuja in the case of former Taraba State governor, Jolly Nyame, clearly stated that failure of public officers to give an account of security votes entrusted to them amounts to stealing or criminal misappropriation and is akin to genocide. This was part of the reasons the Court affirmed the conviction of Nyame.
The way out is for both state and federal lawmakers to give effect to the court judgment. They have to be audacious enough to pass bills to at least pare substantially the staggering funds which our chief executives keep as security votes.
Arnold Alalibo
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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