Opinion
Late Saro-Wiwa And His Predictions
Ken Saro-Wiwa was hanged 15 years ago, on November 10, 1995. He was among the nine environmental rights activists and members of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) executed by the Sani Abacha regime on charges of the murder of four Ogoni chiefs.
The inhabitants of the Niger Delta have been at the receiving end of decades of environmental pollution and ecological degradation caused by the multi-national crude oil extraction companies.
Ken Saro-Wiwa’s case was not different from the iniquities which bad governance had inflicted on Nigeria since 1962, when the central government started the usurpation of the autonomy of the federating regions.
Saro-Wiwa’s case has been singled out, because he was a young man who realised very early that there was neither an impact assessment nor any durable national policy protecting the interest of the Niger Delta especially the oil producing communities against the hazards of crude oil extraction.
General Yakubu Gowon who came to power as Head of state after General lronsi said in his maiden speech that the basis for Nigeria’s co-existence no longer existed. This statement amounted to a call for the break up of the country. The statement was unpalatable to the ethnic minority groups of the Northern and the Southern Nigeria. In their opinion, it would have amounted to an act of betrayal if the northern and eastern regions which in a coalition government had conspired in 1963, to create the Midwest region out of the old western region were to be allowed to form separate nations, carrying along with them the ethnic minority groups without their free, prior and informed consent.
Most of the consultative meetings held to stop the idea of Nigeria’s disintegration were held in Benin City, the Midwest capital between 1966 and 1967. They were attended by the likes of J.S.Tarka, Jolly Tanko Yusuf, Achimugu, I. Imam, Raji Abd ah and others from the North; Dr. Okoi Arikpo, S. U. Bassey, Ken aro- Wiwa, Dappa Biriye, Wenike Briggs and others from the East while from the Midwest were such top names like Chief Anthony Enahoro, Oba Akenzua, General David Ejoor, Timothy Omo Bare, S. L. Salubi and many others.
To allow the break up of Nigeria after the Midwest region has been created from the west was to Saro-Wiwa like sentencing the ethnic minority groups of the North and the East to eternal servitude.
As the crisis became protracted and General Odimegwu Ojukwu declared the sovereign state of Biafra, Ken Saro-Wiwa opted for the Nigerian side and was made the Administrator for Bonny division during the 30 months Biafra-Nigeria War. He served briefly after the war as a commissioner in River State under the administration of Diete-Spiff. He left the post in 1973 for private business of publishing and civil society activism.
In his view, “if a drunken and drug sedated driver is allowed at the steering wheel, it wasn’t just enough to start consoling and comforting the children and relations of passengers killed but the first thing is to withdraw the drunken man’s driving license and stop him from killing more people”
Saro-Wiwa saw Nigeria as a malformed state that needed total reforms. In Nigeria, the socio-economic malady was not just a problem of corrupt individuals in government, but the problem of a corrupt system.
After Ken’s death, the UN draft Declaration on the Right of Indigenous Peoples has been adopted by the UN General Assembly, spelling out how to fight self-determination struggles without violence.
Article 3 of the Declaration says, “Ingenious people have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”
Many countries have started to adjust to the principles as spelt out by the UN Declaration by restoring self rule to the federating ethnic units.
I was privileged to know Kenule Benson Saro-Wiwa intimately. He was the foundation president of the Ethnic Minority and Indigenous Rights Organization of Africa (EMIROAF). I was with him during his last days in Lagos before he left for Port-Harcourt where he was arrested, tortured, tried and hanged. He no doubt had a premonition of his arrest and eventual death. Few days before his fateful departure from Lagos on May 19, 1994. He withdrew his personal “Will” from his bankers’ custody and updated it. It was a solemn occasion. I understood the ‘Will’ could not be implemented because the document was not returned to the bank before his arrest, trial and murder.
I visited him six times at the Bori Military Camp where he was detained in Port Harcourt between May 21, 1994 and November 10, 1995. He was always in high spirit. He would say, “I know even if I die for this cause the Niger Delta will no longer remain the same.
He predicted accurately that Nigeria will be a laughing stock before the rest of the world by the time he had finished with the country. A system that relishes in killing its talents while other countries are making use of the brains and services of their men and women has no future. On his death, the Commonwealth of Nations suspended Nigeria for its gross human rights abuses Since then all sorts of absurd things have started to manifest.
Ken was worried about the militarian society foisted on Africa by the colonialists. Athough by his elitist, western education background, he belonged to the privileged class, he was sensitive to the conditions of the poor in our society. He wanted a coalition of all the nationalities in Nigeria, big and small that would depend less on the use of coercion as the instrument of governance.
Saro-Wiwa argued that a system whose policies are specifically biased against the minority and the less privileged needed a fundamental restructuring. He therefore examined the concept of power in relationship to internal self-determination and drew the attention of the Nigerian rulers to the military distortion of the basic principles of federalism and ethnic sovereignty on which the struggle for independence was based.
At the outset of the Ogoni struggle for self determination, Ken was armed with the United Nations Charter, Conventions, Commissions, Declarations and Protocols guiding non violence movements. He fought the Ogoni struggle on the basis of information, rule of law, knowledge and spirituality while the Abacha regime that murdered him operated from the cruel platform of nihilism, ignorance, brutality, primitive arrogance and sadism
An outstanding representative voice of the down trodden masses in Africa, Ken knew the danger of confronting a primitive and corrupt system but he refused to be intimidated. He was one man who warned the Nigerian people about the imminent danger of a protracted militant struggle in the Niger Delta, indeed the entire country. As a messenger of peace, he came with a package of ideas on how to solve the problems without violence, but he was treated with disdain, mocked, tortured and killed. As we remember the anguish and torment Ken went through, our consolation lies in the fact that he fought for the upliftment of humanity and paid the supreme sacrifice for a just and worthy cause.
Ilenre is the Secretary-General, Ethnic Minority and Indigenous Rights Organization of Africa.
Alfred Ilenre
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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