Opinion
The Ugly Situation In Libya
Colonel Muammer Gadaffi has been the head of state and government of Libya since 1969; that is approximately 42 years as ruler of the Libyan people. This sit-tight phenomenon of holding on to political power unduly which is very common among African leaders and rulers of other developing countries, especially in the Middle East, South America and the Caribbean must stop. Indeed, it is already coming under serious contention and challenge by the people.
Truly, nobody holds or should be seen as having monopoly of wisdom and knowledge. In fact, nobody is indispensable because without that individual, the country and people could move on with another leader. But most African leaders like to hold on to power for too long. Surprisingly, some even prefer to die in office than relinquish power to younger generation leaders. Leaders such as Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Yoweri Moseveni of Uganda, and those recently swept away by popular citizens’ revolts in Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia.
That is the more reason why it is so worrisome that the Libyan leader, Colonel Gadaffi is still holding on to power, even after his people have clearly spelt out the handwriting on the wall indicating that he has overstayed his welcome in government. But stubbornly, Gadaffi has tenaciously clinged on to power.
One thing that agitates my mind is: Wh o is he holding on to power for? In whose interest is he still struggling to remain the leader of Libya? Is it in the interest of the same people who are agitating and clamouring for his ouster? I think Gadaffi needs to understand his people better by now, and realise that the end of his reign and fame has come. He should learn very fast from history. But unfortunately, many African leaders have failed to allow history be their first teacher. And this why they are very bad leaders!
To some extend though, the Colonel Gadaffi government has done mush for the people of Libya in terms of infrastructure, general development and overall well-being of Libyans. However, Gadaffi, his family and cronies have been pillaging the wealth of the entire country as personal estates and siphoning public funds into secret private accounts in some foreign nations. This is unacceptable to the good people of Libya and the world. Also, he has been high-handed and very autocratic, and so, the people of Libya deserve and need a change in guard.
Be that as it may, majority of the Libyan people have been agitating and protesting for change in the past six or so months asking for nothing but the unconditional hand over of government by Gadaffi. In fact, a large number of Libyans have taken up arms against the government of Gadaffi and formed a transitional national committee (TNC), which is now supported by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). The rebel forces have taken over a number of key towns and cities in the South, East and now, West. They are already closing in on the nation’s capital, Tripoli. But Gadaffi has refused to step down. The TNC, for instance, comprises prominent and well-meaning Libyans who have credible credentials to help midwife a smooth transition and elections paving way foe democracy.
This gradual but purposeful protests and agitation which started from the southern part of Libya has seen them capture the town of Misrata, which is their stronghold and base. They are now moving northwards through Benghazi, which is under their control to attack and march on Tripoli, the seat of government and Gadaffi’s stronghold. This was occasioned and made possible with the combined assistance of NATO allied forces’ air strike against the Gadaffi-led forces. There has been heavy casualties on both sides which is expected from military campaigns of this magnitude and scale.
Suffice to say that the western countries through the United States and its NATO allies were swift to step into the fray. But I must say that they have done this more for their strategic and vested interests than identifying with the plight of the people of Libya. And I think this amounts to double standard, and does not augur well for dispute and conflict management in the 21st century. My concern stems from the fact that these same allies did not intervene in Sudan and Somalia in the way and magnitude they have done in Libya.
On the part of African Union (AU), it has more or less been on the side of Colonel Gadaffi, who the people are wont to remove. Instead of being on the side of justice, truth and fairness, the AU chose to take sides with a despot like the Libyan ruler. Any wonder the Libyan people rejected the AU peace plan because they did not see neutrality or fairplay in the peace deal brockered by the African leaders who outrightly seemed only interested in protecting one of their own.
The world must know that when it comes to issues of international peace, dispute management or conflict resolution and achieving set targets, a lot of caution and restraints must be observed by all concerned, especially in conflicts of this nature. A case in point is the Iraq war that the Americans won. But the big question still remains: Have the Americans secured peace in Iraq? In fact, Iraq is even more restive now, more fragmentation with an unpopular leader who lacks effective control of the country compared to what obtained before the war.
However, there is need for the Libyans to be given the free hand without undue and unwarranted interference. They should be empowered, guided or aided by international friends and partners to decide, resolve their challenges and evolve a lasting solution – democratic government that reflects a true representation of the good people of Libya. This is the right path to peace and growth in Libya.
Ayooso, a public affairs analyst, writes from Port Harcourt.
Samson Ayooso
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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