Opinion
The Mother Tongue Teaching Policy
The call for the promotion of Nigeria’s indigenous languages has been on for decades. Knowing the importance of language and going by recent warnings about some Nigerian dialects going extinct, language experts and some other citizens have canvassed for measures towards ensuring that the culture and languages of the various ethnic groups in the country do not die. Recent local and international reports had revealed that most Nigerian indigenous languages would be extinct in the next three decades, while about 90 per cent of them were projected to be replaced by dominant languages. The reports further disclosed that the percentage of children that speak local dialects is thinning down and may result in loss of identity, culture, moral values and heritage of many communities in the country. So, the recent disclosure of the federal government’s approval of a new National Language Policy which would make mother tongue a compulsory medium of instruction for public primary school pupils was well received by many people.
According to the Minister of Education, Adamu Adamu, who made the plan known, mother tongue will be used exclusively for the first six years of education, while it will be combined with English Language from Junior Secondary School. He said that the mother tongue to be used in each school will be the dominant language spoken by the community where it is located, assuring of the government’s preparedness to protect the over 600 local languages in the country. Government must be commended for this initiative which if well implemented and sustained, will make a great difference in the preservation and promotion of indigenous languages in the country. Researches have shown that native language deepens knowledge. A great deal of research has confirmed that types of education based on the mother tongue significantly increase the chances of educational success and give better results. I have not forgotten my experience as a youth corps member in a school in Numan, Adamawa State. Some of the students would hardly understand what they were taught in English language but when the same topic was taught or interpreted in their local language, they would grab it.
However, this policy needs to be thoroughly interrogated. In the first place, why should the use of the mother tongue for teaching be made compulsory only in public schools? What about the millions of children in private schools? Is the Minister telling us that only the children in public primary schools are good enough to be taught in their mother tongue? Or, the children in private schools are too sophisticated or civilized to learn their mother tongues? Again, did the government take into the consideration the huge financial cost of producing the instructional materials and training of teachers. Do we have teachers that can teach in all the over 600 languages we have in Nigeria.? Are there plans to train more teachers on these languages? How many teachers can communicate effectively in their mother tongue? A teacher -friend of mine told me that the policy could be the government’s plan of sacking teachers because a good number of teachers are deficient in mother tongue proficiency. Wouldn’t this education policy compound the numerous problems in the education sector where there is no adequate fund to fix infrastructures, pay teachers, provide instructional material for the pupils and many more?
The greatest fear is about continuity. Ours is a country where incumbent political office holders hardly continue projects or policies initiated by their predecessors. Anyone that comes into power will introduce new policies, new projects, jettisoning the ones he inherited from the person before him. So, what is the assurance that the person that will occupy Aso Rock Villa in May 2023 and the subsequent administrations will deem it fit to carry on with the policy? Nigeria is a country with about 600 languages. Some states like Kaduna have about 57 languages, Rivers State 28 languages not to talk of Taraba State that is made up of 40 tribes and about 73 languages. We will be deceiving ourselves if we claim that we can instruct the pupils in all these languages. Even choosing the predominant language in every locality might pose a great challenge and may lead to serious problems if not well handled.
Surely, this is a good initiative but it requires long-term planning. Let us not be in a hurry to start what we cannot sustain. Already the 6-3-3-4 system of education which was started in 1982 with the aim of ensuring that secondary school students acquire skills through vocational training that would enable them to be self-reliant upon graduation is not yielding the expected result primarily because of the issue of funding, lack of infrastructure and inadequate instructional facilities and other. So, rather than plunge into the teaching in mother tongue head long, why not choose some schools (pilot/model schools) kind of, one or two in each state, see how successful the policy will be in those schools, note the challenges and work on them and ascertain the possibility of its continuity before taking it to the entire country. At that point, it might be necessary to back the policy with legislation. Such a law should make instruction in mother tongue compulsory in primary schools in Nigeria rather than public schools only.
There is the need to adopt practicable measures in the quest to promote our local languages. An important step is to end the attitude of making the speaking of local languages or vernacular as it is mostly called in schools, a punishable offence. Students and pupils should be encouraged to freely communicate in their dialects within the school. A credit in any Nigerian language should be a prerequisite for gaining admission into any tertiary institution in Nigeria just like English Language and Mathematics. This way, both students, parents and schools will take the study of Nigerian languages more seriously. Essay and quiz competitions in Nigerian languages should be encouraged and supported by the government, organisations and individuals.Most importantly, parents should form the habit of communicating with their children in their native languages. Observations show that many people no longer speak their dialects. Many parents, especially the educated ones, do not communicate with their children in their dialects and really don’t care if their children speak their language or not.
All they want is for their children to speak English and other foreign languages. Parents of different ethnic groups most times decide to speak a neutral language, especially to their children, thereby denying them the identities of their parents.The truth is that the English and other foreign languages we promote can never be our language. No matter how proficient you are in English and speak it with the English accent, you are not an English man or woman. You remain a Nigerian. Many parents spend thousands of naira to hire English and French teachers for their children, (which is not bad), how much do we spend to teach them their native languages which is their identity? The responsibility of rejuvenating our native languages, culture and tradition is not that of government alone. Parents, adults, schools and organisations have big roles to play. Our culture and traditions are our unique identity, we must not lose it. The policy on teaching in mother tongue is most desirable as it will encourage young Nigerians to learn their mother tongue but If practical steps are not taken by the authorities and all concerned to make it realistic, the idea, like a big elephant will definitely not fly.
By: Calista Ezeaku
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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