Opinion
Revisiting Animosities In Universities
That a criminal charge of sexual harassment against a Professor of Microbiology, ended in an acquittal, should not be a surprise to anyone. Section 353 of the Criminal Code Act would classify sexual harassment of a female student as indecent assault, while Section 367 deals with rape, defined as forcing a female of any age into the sex act without her consent, or inducing such consent by threat. In 1963, a female witness for a defendant told late magistrate Herbert Nwazota, that an unwilling woman would hardly be raped, because “her shouts and aggression would be such that the rapist cannot continue”. Similarly, such case of rape or harassment would be reported immediately, which is a vital point in the evidence concerning such matter. But when complaint about such assault comes a long time after, there is the possibility of an after-thought, or someone instigating the report, with a possible malicious intention to get even with someone. An alleged act done in a secret place, with no third party as an independent witness, would hardly hold water in a court.
Considering the level of animosities prevalent in Nigerian universities, it is possible that the Microbiology Professor acquitted by a court recently, may be a victim of a toxic academic environment. When a professor’s monthly salary was about N10,000, the academic environment was not what it became with current salary structure. Rot in the university system came in tandem with the gross devaluation of the Naira. Many lecturers moved out of the country as job satisfaction, productivity and integrity became rare values in Nigeria. As PhD became an acronym for “pull him down” syndrome, Nigerian universities became a toxic environment. In world-class universities, highly experienced and dedicated lecturers could become professors even with first degree certificates, but in Nigeria no one becomes a professor without a PhD degree. The result of this policy was that becoming a professor was characterised by fraud, chicanery, duplicity and malpractices, especially since one would retire with professorial salary as pension. It is quite human that nobody would want to slave himself to death for a system which does not reward diligence, hard work and dedication to duty. In the words of late Captain Elechi Amadi, Nigeria does not place value on naked honesty, hard work and personal sacrifices. But flattery pays!
Animosities in Nigerian universities started building up between 1974 and 1995, when strikes, “sorting” and other malpractices became more common. Military politics had a share in much of the rot in universities, as some female students with strong relationships with military officers could elevate or destroy lecturers. Through connections or calumnies, the process of elevation or destruction could make or mar any lecturer. The result of this trend was the use of female students to make connections and get contracts and appointments. Some lecturers became millionaires! The process of acquisition of university certificates is like anything else in Nigeria, characterised by malpractices and the ability to get away with serious pranks, so long as one has some connections in appropriate quarters. There were also situations where highly-placed moneybags and men of timbre and calibre would register in universities, attend lectures at their own convenience and let money and good relationship provide certificates that they have no need for, except for adornment purposes. Thus ego, meanness, envy and pettiness flourished among lecturers.
Sadly, the relationships between rich and high calibre students and lecturers resulted in using students to rubbish the reputation of some lecturers, especially those considered to be “too strict and rigid”. Also, between 1974 and 1985, cult phenomenon became more prevalent in universities as well as increasing cases of examination malpractices. Decree No. 20 of 1984 had to be promulgated to deal with examination offences in universities. Similarly, Decree No. 47 of 1989, was made to address campus cultism, as different from offences against public order and unlawful assembly. Statistics of campus cultism indicated that a large number of those who faced student disciplinary committee were children of highly-placed parents in society, especially children who grew up in barracks. Similarly, female students who reported high cases of sexual harassment against lecturers, were those who were most irregular in class attendance. Thus, cases of “sorting”, sexual harassment and other allegations about malpractices, were linked with poor examination performances and irregularity in class.
Cases of plagiarism and book piracy were also found to be linked with scramble to become professors, of which soured relationships between some students and lecturers, were traced to malpractices in publications. There were particular cases where female students who had little respect for lecturers they knew to be fraudulent coined such appellations like “Professors of Otularingology” spelling of medical specialists in ear-nose-and-throat discipline was deliberately altered for the purpose of this sly prank. There were also other derogatory names for various category of lecturers. Hypocrisy flourished! What is really disturbing about animosities in the universities, is the role of some Vice Chancellors in some campuses. There are some vice chancellors who adopt divisive strategies as ready tools of administering the campus environment. Either they surround themselves with boot-lickers and tale-bearers, some factions of student-cultists, or members of their religion or ethnicity. Thus, formation of cliques in universities is one major cause of division and animosities in the universities. This also goes along with listening to gossips, especially coming from female students against some lecturers who are not in the good book of vice chancellors.
Thus, the culture of collegiality gives way to paternalism and possible witch-hunt of perceived suspected rivals of vice chancellors or ill-disposed staff. The level of fascism in some Nigerian universities is unbelievable but real, and sometimes religion is used for divisive and surveillance purposes. In situations of divisiveness, prejudice and animosities, promotions can be selective and unfair, in spite of the fact that assessments for staff promotion is handled by a committee. There are also many interest groups whose purposes range from playing some advocacy roles, to serving as lobbyists and informants. There are lecturers who are more of politicians and would hardly be there to teach and supervise their students, but would spend lots of times with power-holders. Also, there has been some strained relationship between academic and non-academic staff in the university system, arising from many factors. While this is no attempt to condemn one’s constituency, the vital issue is that there is professional envy and animosities in universities. Sexual harassment is a ready tool to get even with rivals.
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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