Editorial
For An Effective Supreme Court
The recent inauguration of 11 additional Justices to the Supreme Court, Nigeria’s highest judicial institution, presents a robust event in the judiciary. This action comes in the wake of a period the court was grappling with high workload pressure because of statutory retirements and unfortunate demise, resulting in the highest court running below its required capacity. However, the induction of the new Justices has brought transformation. The replenishment of the Bench restores the court’s strength to its estimated complement of 21 Justices, in line with the stipulations of the country’s constitution.
During the administration of the Oath of Office to the Justices, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, reiterated the essence of their role and the responsibility they carry. He emphasised the expectation for them to exhibit utmost integrity and fairness, akin to Caesar’s wife, in delivering justice impartially regardless of whose interests were at stake. According to him, they should see themselves as God’s representatives. Unfortunately, the 11 Justices were assuming their positions on the Supreme Court Bench during a period when the Nigerian judiciary, including the apex court, faces severe criticisms, resulting in widespread skepticism towards judges among the people.
Today, there is a lack of consensus regarding CJN Ariwoola’s assertion that Nigerian judges, across different levels, serve as representatives of God on earth and understand his expectations. While the CJN could have provided his guidance without invoking religious beliefs, he accurately pointed out the heightened scrutiny that the apex court will face, particularly from Nigerian politicians seeking to manipulate judicial outcomes. The legal community will also closely observe the newly appointed Justices, assessing how their promotion and the completion of the judicial panel at the apex court will impact the administration of justice and advance legal principles.
The main concern regarding the depletion of the apex court was the high number of cases on the docket, leading to over-congestion in the court and causing the Justices, who were already few in number, to be overworked. Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad highlighted in his emotional farewell speech in October 2023 that the Justices were also underpaid and lacked resources. With the recent addition of 11 judges to the apex court, more cases can now be heard, leading to improved performance and efficiency. However, for this to be successful, the administrative processes at the Supreme Court must also be revamped and modernised.
We congratulate the new Justices on their appointment to a position that carries a sense of authority in their decisions while presiding over cases brought before them for adjudication. However, they must remember that their new role comes with great challenges, responsibilities, and heightened expectations, as the judiciary is often seen as the last resort for the common man.
This has become pertinent in light of the demand for justice by Nigerians, both ordinary citizens and those in positions of power, who feel let down by the decisions coming from the courts on various issues, especially those related to politics. Whether rightly or wrongly, there is a widespread belief that the respected institution of justice has been influenced by corruption; that greed and dishonesty have tarnished what was once a highly esteemed establishment that was respected by all.
Many well-meaning Nigerians have been vocal in their calls for the purification of the corrupt judiciary, especially the Supreme Court. It is widely believed that by ensuring a full complement of judges, a new era of swift justice can be ushered in, ultimately leading to the much-needed purification of the system. The hope is that with a reformed and efficient judiciary, the rule of law will be upheld, and justice will be served timely.
The judiciary in Nigeria is a reflection of the larger society, encompassing both the good and the bad. It must be recognised that Justices are human, with all the inherent flaws that come with being human. However, it is believed that through their training, sense of duty, and the discipline required for their roles, they should be able to rise above any shortcomings and fulfil their responsibilities to the public. It is expected that they will meet the presumptions of the people they serve.
From that perspective, and in view of the burden of duty they must discharge, we feel obligated to further contend that for the Justices to be able to, like the blind-folded lady, dispense justice without fear, favour or ill-will, there is the compelling urgency to make the judiciary a member of the tripod, truly independent, especially from the standpoint of funding. It deserves to get its allocation directly from the federation account devoid of the manipulative influence of any other arm of government. This is required if the nation must do away with the negative perceptions of who pays the piper dictates the tune.
Furthermore, the selection of the Chief Justice of the Federation or Chief Judge of a state should not be at the discretion of a single elected official, whether it be a governor or the President of the country. This tendency for one individual to have complete control over who holds these critical positions, often through manipulation and questionable deals, undermines the idea of a judiciary that is truly independent and able to withstand political pressure. Appointments to these offices should be made based on merit, integrity, and public scrutiny rather than political favouritism.
If judicial officers are diligent in carrying out their duties, they deserve to have comfortable working conditions. This means that they should not have to settle for the meager salaries they currently receive. The nation must ensure that we did not repeat the past where Supreme Court Justices had to protest against the poor working conditions they were subjected to. Corruption can be tempting, but with the right incentives and working environment, we can prevent it from taking hold. Justices need to be provided with better working conditions that do not compromise their rectitude.
Given that the Supreme Court has now been completely constituted, there should be no room for cases to drag on in their dockets. It is anticipated that a fully constituted Supreme Court will have all its courtrooms operational and the newly appointed Justices will enhance our legal system and assist the apex court in realising its maximum potential. Despite these recent appointments, more Justices of the apex court are approaching retirement and any resulting vacancies should be promptly filled without delays. With the court now at full capacity, we are optimistic about the future productivity and efficiency of the Supreme Court.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.