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Internal Colonialism In The Niger Delta?

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The heartless, irascible child who keeps his mother awake all night long will himself not know sleep throughout the night. Yoruba proverb. In all the essential details, the Niger Delta in the last half of a century since Nigeria became one of the big oil exporting nations of the world remarkably resembles the Portuguese ad Belgian colonial possession in Africa in the heyday of Western imperial domination of our continent; in particular, the Niger Delta most especially resembles the then called Belgian Congo. Compared to the French and British colonies, in these Portuguese and Belgian colonies, Africans were far more exploited, far more arrogantly and brutally governed. In the economic sphere, the colonial territory was literally and effectively mined for all its most highly valued natural resources and nothing much was put back to develop there land and the people to whom it historically belonged. In fact, in most cases, the land and the peoples I these Portuguese and Belgian colonies were left far worse by the super-exploitation of the colonizers than they had been before the arrival of the colonial overlords and their mining and trading companies. In the political sphere, the kinds and levels of self-governance and self-rule that the British and the French gradually introduced in their colonies were near absent in the Portuguese and Belgian colonies; the only kind of self-rule that was tolerated was any kind that could make the exploitation of the land, the resources and the people more effective, more profitable for there colonizer. Any Nigerian who does not know that these are the same sort of things that have been happening in our Niger Delta in the last fifty years is grossly and tragically uninformed. In the last fifty years since oil prospecting in the Niger Delta not only became big time oil exportation but also became overwhelmingly the country’s main source of revenue, physical and environmental degradation of the region has risen to levels unknown in any other apart of the planet: much of the land laid to waste and made less and less available for arable farming; the waters and the air polluted; the villages, towns and cities made some of the rosst areas for infrastructures, employment opportunities and security of life and possessions in our country. And with regard to the sphere of political empowerment, since Nigeria struck it rich through the oil extracted from the region, the Niger Delta has remained one of the most marginal areas of the country in terms of effective distribution of power and influence within the nation’s political class. In some other aspects, our Niger Delta is also comparable to another colonial experience in Africa of the long night of the colonization of our continent, that of the so-called Bantustans of South Africa I the period of apartheid control of Black South Africans by the White minority Afrikaner and English communities. These Bantustans were the poorest areas of South Africa, with little or no infrastructures, little or no employment opportunities, little or no access to the economic and political centers of the national territory. Of course nothing like the forcible control of movement into and out of the Bantustans that the Whites imposed on Blacks in apartheid South Africa exist in the case of our Niger Delta, but there is a clear similarity, in each of these two cases, in the fact of severe economic, material impoverishment compared tot eh rest of the country. Considering all these details and realities of the shocking similarities of the Niger Delta to the worst cases of Western colonial exploitation and domination of Africa, it would seem both reasonable and justifiable that many individuals and organizations that are struggling for the just cause of the Niger Delta should –as they have done and no doubt will continue to do – use the term internal colonialism to describe the tragic experience of the region in the last fifty years. Which is why it is very surprising that many knowledgeable and progressive Nigerians from other parts of the country have either been indifferent or even hostile to the use of the term “colonialism” both to describe what has been happening in the Niger Delta in the last fifty years and to mobilize action to end it. What is implied, what is at stake in this indifference to or refusal of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta, especially now that the region is in the explosive, violent epicenter of the nation’s struggles to come to terms with our crippling endemic political and economic crises and problems? How far, and with usefulness will comparisons between the Niger Delta and the worst cases of Western colonialisation of our continent take us? These are the questions I wish to address in a series of essays over the next few weeks in this column. I personally think the use of the term, together with the comparisons it enables with all those cases of Portuguese, Belgian and Afrikaner colonial possessions and practices in Africa re very, very helpful in that many things that are otherwise extremely baffling, extremely strange in the politics and economy of our country become comprehensible and therefore hopefully more amenable to progressive change once we clarify the grounds of the comparison. But I am mindful of the fact that, for many reasons, many Nigerians would find the comparison unacceptable. Since I believe that much is at stake and much will be gained if the issues involved in this comparison are clarified, it is with great seriousness and objectivity that I will explore some of the reasons for the refusal of, or the indifference to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. Colonization, whether it is “internal”, external, or “neo” – as in neocolonialism – has been one of the most persistent and tragic economic, political and cultural means of domination in the modern history of hteneire planet in all its constitutive hemispheric regions in other words, colonization provides much of the explanation for why some nations and peoples became “developed” and “advanced” while others became “underdeveloped” and “backward” in the course modern political and economic history, Colonialism achieved its “classical” or prototypical form during the period of Western imperialist domination of the world, an age that is now clearly and effectively over, even if its ramifications and legacies are still very much with us. With the passing of that age, it has become far less easy or even logical to invoke the term “colonialism” in cases which seem to reproduce some of the essential or prototypical features in contexts other than Western domination of non-Western parts of the world as in the case of the Hutus and the Tutsis in Burundi and Rwanda, Darfur and in Sudan – and the Niger Delta in Nigeria. In next week’s column, I shall directly address some of the reasons why many Nigerians especially self-identified Nigerians, would be indifferent or hostile to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. But for now, let me conclude this week’s essay with some observations on why the comparison is helpful and hwy therefore all progressive Nigerians should at least pay some attention to it. These are preliminary observations that I will give further elaboration and clarification in the course of the series. The over-centralised state, with its seat of ower in the almighty presidency in Aso Rock, is possible at all because of the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. If this super-exploitation of this particular region ends, the over-centralised state which is so resistant to true federalism will not last one year, at the most. The over-concentration of wealth in a few hands in our country, one of the most extreme, obscene and unproductive in the world, is also dependent on the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. How all this relates to the issue of internal colonialism will be the subject of next week’s column, together with all the objections of the comparison of the Niger Delta crises to all those abominable cases of Western colonialism at its very worst on our continent. Biodun Jeyifo

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Opinion

Policy Intervention: More Than Administrative Reform  

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Quote:”This policy intervention proves that education reform is not just about administration, but about restoring dignity, equity, and integrity to the learning process.”
On September 24, 2025, the article” A Growing Emergency: How Marked-Up Textbooks Are Sabotaging Nigeria’s School Children”, written by King Onunwo, was published in The Tide Newspaper. In the said article, the writer expressed pains in what he viewed as ‘a silent but damaging practice’  taking root in homes across Nigeria,  one that threatens the academic future of millions of children in primary and secondary schools. From the paintings of the writer,  this seemingly minor convenience where older siblings complete their homeworks directly inside their school textbooks, may seem  harmless on the surface. On the contrary, it is creating a dangerous ripple effect. What used to be a normal practice—siblings reusing textbooks year after year to ease the financial burden on families—has now turned into a nightmare. The writer could best describe its impact in our educational system as a stumbling block for students, and a ticking time bomb for the education system and to say the least, a  source of distress for countless parents.
The core message of the article is that writing homework and classwork inside textbooks has evolved from a harmless household habit into a national educational crisis that is quietly undermining learning outcomes in Nigeria. Specifically, the article argues that: marked-up textbooks sabotage learning by denying younger students the opportunity to think independently, practice problem-solving, and engage meaningfully with lessons. Economic hardship has normalized textbook reuse, but misuse has turned a cost-saving strategy into an educational disadvantage. The problem is systemic, not merely individual, reflecting failures in policy enforcement, public awareness, and educational support structures. Hence, government’s intervention is urgently required, including regulations, awareness campaigns, textbook audits, penalties, and subsidized writing materials.
Violation of education equity  was also fingered as children are academically punished due to circumstances beyond their control—birth order and family income. King Onunwo opined that small oversights can cause large-scale damage, and ignoring such “minor” issues threatens Nigeria’s broader educational goals. Ultimately, he   called for a national textbook integrity policy to protect learning materials and ensure fairness in education. Deductively, the writer ‘s feelings and emotional tone  conveyed a deep concern and alarm, repeatedly framing  the issue as a “growing emergency,” “ticking time bomb,” and “quiet academic crisis.” which signals a genuine fear  that the problem if unchecked, may have irreversible consequences.
The writer ‘s tone is outrightly that of an advocate, not a neutral observer,  speaking with a strong sense of justice, emphasizing on  education  as  a right, meaning that children should not be academically disadvantaged by family circumstances, hence, the need for society  to protect educational tools.The repeated calls for “immediate,” “urgent,” and “no time to waste” action showed impatience with delays and excuses. The writer believes every academic term lost worsens the damage. It is not just about textbooks—it is about educational dignity, equality, and systemic responsibility. The closing metaphor (“the handwriting is on the wall”) reinforces the writer’s belief that the consequences are already visible and that failure to act would be inexcusable. By responding decisively to growing concerns around the misuse and rising cost of learning materials, the Federal Government has demonstrated that thoughtful advocacy still matters—and that public interest writing can indeed influence policy in meaningful ways.
The recently unveiled education policy banning disposable workbooks and mandating the use of durable, reusable textbooks is a commendable step in the right direction. It directly addresses the very issues raised by King Onunwo and other concerned writers and parents who have long warned about the silent damage being done to Nigeria’s school children through poorly designed textbook practices and unchecked misuse of learning materials. For years, families—especially those with multiple children—have struggled under the weight of repeated textbook purchases. Worse still, the culture of writing directly into textbooks turned what should have been reusable learning tools into single-use items, sabotaging younger siblings who inherited books already filled with answers, errors, and confusion. The new policy does not merely reduce costs; it restores the integrity of textbooks as reference materials meant to guide thinking, not replace it.
By insisting on standardized, high-quality textbooks designed to last four to six years, the government has effectively validated the core argument of education advocates: that sustainability, affordability, and quality learning are deeply interconnected. The decision to prohibit the bundling of disposable workbooks—often used as a commercial tactic to force annual purchases—is particularly laudable. It signals a shift away from profit-driven educational practices toward child-centered learning. Equally important is the policy’s emphasis on strengthening assessment and quality assurance for instructional materials. This tackles another long-standing problem: superficial textbook revisions that compel parents to buy “new editions” without meaningful improvements in content. Such practices have eroded trust in the system and placed unnecessary financial strain on households already stretched thin.
Beyond textbooks, the introduction of a uniform academic calendar and the rationalization of graduation ceremonies show a broader sensitivity to the hidden costs of schooling. These reforms recognize that education expenses are not limited to fees alone but are compounded by traditions and inconsistencies that quietly drain family resources. This policy intervention is more than administrative reform; it is proof that government can listen, reflect, and act when issues are clearly articulated and grounded in lived realities. It affirms the value of public-interest writing as a bridge between citizens’ experiences and policy action.While implementation and enforcement will be the true test, the direction is encouraging. Parents, teachers, and school administrators must now play their part to ensure that these reforms translate into real change in classrooms across the country.
In acknowledging and addressing the concerns raised by writers, educators, and families, the government has taken a vital step toward protecting the learning future of Nigerian children. It is a reminder that when the handwriting on the wall is read early enough, it is still possible to rewrite the story—for the better.However, kudos to Federal Government for the intervention, but it should not end on the table rather should be given accelerated attention in order to ensure full implementation.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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Opinion

Redefining New Year Resolutions 

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Quote: “Transformation begins the moment intention meets action.”
At the dawn of a new year and throughout its early days, millions of people across the globe make promises to themselves—to improve, to grow, and to transform. The New Year carries a unique sense of renewal, hope, and possibility. It offers a clean slate on which aspirations are rewritten and goals are redefined. But beyond the excitement and optimism lies an important question: what truly gives power to these resolutions, and how can they be sustained to positively impact individuals, families, and teams?
New Year resolutions emerge from different platforms, perspectives, and points of need. For many, the focus is personal growth—acquiring new skills, practicing mindfulness, improving physical health, or cultivating emotional resilience. Others prioritize relationships, seeking to strengthen bonds with family and friends, heal broken connections, or build new ones. Career development also ranks high, with goals such as professional advancement, job transitions, skill enhancement, or entrepreneurship. Financial stability—saving money, paying off debt, investing wisely—remains a major concern, while some individuals turn to creativity, exploring new hobbies, talents, or artistic pursuits.
Regardless of the resolution, a clear roadmap is essential. Transformation begins with reflection—understanding personal values, clarifying what truly matters, and identifying the change one desires to see. This process often involves shedding unproductive habits and mindsets to create room for growth. Setting specific and achievable goals, then breaking them into manageable tasks, increases the likelihood of success. Equally important is establishing an accountability system—whether through self-monitoring, trusted partners, or structured reviews—to sustain commitment over time.
New Year resolutions embody the power of intentional living. They allow individuals and groups to pause, evaluate past actions, and consciously chart a new course. When intentions are clearly defined, it becomes easier to identify growth areas, develop a realistic plan, maintain motivation, cultivate healthy habits, and strengthen relationships. Setting SMART goals—Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound—ensures that resolutions are practical and purposeful rather than vague aspirations. In addition, prioritizing self-care enables the mind, body, and soul to function optimally, providing the stamina needed for long-term success.
Many resolutions require learning something new—whether acquiring professional skills, developing hobbies, or broadening intellectual capacity. For personal growth, this may include learning a new language, reading more books, or gaining knowledge that enhances competence and confidence. Involving family members in shared goals strengthens bonds and encourages collective responsibility. Regular family activities, open communication, shared meals, and intentional time together help instill values such as kindness, empathy, discipline, and accountability.
Career-focused resolutions may involve enrolling in online courses or certification programs, improving digital literacy, or networking with professionals in the same field. Financial growth requires discipline—creating and adhering to a budget, building a savings plan, investing wisely, and paying off debt systematically. When creativity or leisure is the focus, starting a journal or blog, learning an instrument, engaging in arts and crafts, or pursuing writing can be both fulfilling and therapeutic.
For families and teams, resolutions foster unity and shared purpose. When goals are collectively set and pursued, they promote collaboration, trust, and mutual support. Teams that align their resolutions with shared values experience improved productivity, morale, and accountability. Clear communication, regular progress reviews, and celebrating small wins reinforce commitment and sustain momentum throughout the year.
However, common pitfalls must be avoided. Unrealistic expectations often lead to discouragement and failure; goals should be challenging yet attainable. A lack of planning or strategy undermines even the best intentions, while poor accountability increases the risk of giving up prematurely. To make resolutions stick, it is important to track progress using journals, planners, or digital tools; celebrate milestones; remain patient with setbacks; and review goals periodically to adjust when necessary.
As the year unfolds, may our goals, hopes, and resolutions inspire meaningful change. Resolutions are not merely seasonal rituals—they are journeys of growth and discipline. With intentional planning, focused action, and collective effort, individuals, families, and teams can thrive, transform, and make lasting strides toward a better future.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi
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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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