Opinion
Restoring Peace In the N’Delta
For several years, the Niger Delta region of Nigeria has been a hot bed for Federal Government’s presence especially in its joint venture business activities with the operating multi-nationals in the oil industry. The armed resistance against the oil, gas and marine companies exploring, exploiting and navigating the region by various militant groups notably among them, the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta People (MEND) was the height of organised punishment to destroy the economy as a demonstration of Federal Government’s many years of neglect of the region.
However, all these and many more restive acts by MEND and other militant groups have become history as the region now enjoys some quiet for free movement of goods and services. There is no gainsaying that the recent amnesty, several discussions and agreements reached between the Federal Government and leaders of MEND have made the present atmosphere possible.
In a desperate move to bring succour to the people of the Niger Delta, the Federal Government recently demonstrated its sincerity by divesting 10% of its shareholding in the joint venture with the oil giants to Niger Delta communities. The ultimate aim of this is to give the oil producing communities in the region the opportunity to develop themselves. However, if thorough analysis is carried out in the Niger Delta communities, one will find many interest groups agitating for a common demand; they sometimes often speak with discordant tunes on issues affecting the people of the region. The idea as good as it may be, which is partial or indirect resource control, could generate more problems in the oil producing communities. Having highlighted this, I urge the Federal Government to set up an operative framework through which the proposed 10% shareholding in oil companies can be peacefully and satisfactorily ploughed back into the communities for developmental purposes especially in the areas of infrastructure and economic empowerment of the people.
Frankly speaking, the problems of the people of the Niger Delta have always been underdevelopment, disease, illiteracy and poverty. The proposal of government to extend to Niger Delta people the opportunity to take their own destiny by their hands is a genuine commitment with utmost sincerity to develop the region.
This gesture is undoubtedly coming at a time when one of the interventionist agencies, NDDC has done little or nothing to rewrite the history of underdevelopment in the region.
At this point, it will be pertinent to carry the information to the entire region that whatever amount of money realised from the 10% shareholding is not for traditional rulers’ personal ego massaging but for the development and wellbeing of the people of the Niger Delta. Furthermore, let the Federal Government without much delay begin to work out modalities with which to work with this money because “delay they say is dangerous”.
Perhaps if this 10% were to have been signed off into the communities this Aluu community show of shame by ex-militants would not have occurred as these repentant young men could have been engaged into different numerous projects that will be executed. The early implementation of the 10% shareholding in the oil producing communities of the Delta region will truly go a long way to take care of the alleged non payment of ex-militants’ monthly allowances by the federal government, because they will be provided with learn-as-you-work-job opportunities in various areas like wielding, fitting, carpentry, manson, electrical installation, painting and design, driving and mechanic. By the time these young militants will be on these job placements for 2-3 years, Nigerians will observe a remarkable difference in the society. In no distant time they will integrate fast and set up their own small scale business outfits.
The 10 per cent shareholding oil communities is to an extent fiscal federalism. This will enable the communities protect the steady source through which the revenue for their development comes whenever it is threatened by militants or group of organised criminals. Federal Government and the operating oil multi-nationals under joint venture, in the region will be good for it as billions of dollars lost to oil; thieves through illegal bunkering would be stopped and other porous sources of loss plugged. The proposed 10 per cent share holding is indeed a catalyst to the problems of underdevelopment in the Niger Delta region, if properly, carefully handled with great political will by government . political pundits on Niger Delta affairs are quite amazed that up till now, the federal government has not rolled out or put finishing touches on the legal framework to implement this chart buster for the region. This is the time to flood the region with roads and bridges, drainages and canals, modern rail lines, schools and hospitals, industries and factories and general economic empowerment of the people to boost their local economy. Through implementation of the 10 per cent shareholding, it will put a check on further pressure of the national economy at least for now.
Okwein Parker
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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