Opinion
Curbing Cultism In Higher Institutions
It is no longer news that the universities and other
institutions of higher learning meant to be further training ground for integral human development of the youths for a greater tomorrow have been infiltrated with a lot of anti-social behavioural idiosyncrasies, and have become also a comfortable ground for breeding student cultists and their nefarious activities, some of whom are manipulated and inordinately used by some evil elders. The nomenclature of cultism is becoming synonymous with that of higher institutional education process in Nigeria.
The Archbishop of Onitsha, Most Rev. Valerian Okeke, in his 2014 pastoral letter titled ‘Catholic Education and National Development’ made it clear that education leads one to discover the truth of existence rightly appreciated, thus leading one to the true source of ultimate happiness and fulfillment which lie beyond us .. . and that the harnessing of human potentials for social action is better where literacy and numeracy is high. Children are sent to schools for this. But are our institutions of higher learning still safe for the realisation of this?
That education is a crucial factor in the social, economic, political and technological development of a nation is not in doubt. The greatest asset of any society is, in fact, its citizens and their various abilities. These abilities can be acquired through quality education. No nation can rise above all the quality of its educated citizenry. Unfortunately, despite all concerted efforts by the Federal and State governments to provide its citizens with quality education in Nigeria, the reverse is sometimes manifested as being the case.
Nigerian educational institutions are beset with many cancerous problems, most of which are perpetrated with equanimity under the culture of impunity prevalent in our society today. Undoubtedly, one of such social vices confronting Nigerian institutions today is cultism, which inability to eradicate totally can still be traced to corruption and insincerity of some leaders in certain concerned quarters arising from unpopular vested interests.
The issue of cultism has remained a problem for the youths, especially those in the tertiary institutions in Nigeria and the larger Nigerian society since the first decade of the existence of university education in Nigeria. There is no existing single institution of higher learning that has not experienced the menace of cultism at one time or another. Not only that, this ungodly situation has extended to the secondary school and even some primary schools. As we have it today, the menace and the aggressiveness of cult members and cult-related violent clashes and activities in most tertiary institutions, both in campuses and hostels have caused the death of a number of students, lecturers etc, and also the destruction of properties alike.
There is hardly any academic session without reported cases of cultism in most Nigerian institutions. Over a decade and half, hundreds of souls have been ingloriously sent to their early grave through the nefarious and most nocturnal activities of these cultism’s. Despite concerted efforts by government and concerned stakeholders to provide Nigerians with quality education and encourage anti-cult groups to fight this malady, some students have chosen to toe the line that leads to destruction through voluntary initiation into different cults, which has eaten deep into the fabrics of our education system. Though some are forced into it.
What is more worrisome is that in spite of the fact that there are many evils associated with cultism, many students of tertiary institutions still find it fashionable to engage in it probably as a result of some super-ordinate influential factors like inordinate quest for power, money, security, popularity in notoriety, ungodly satisfaction of one’s aspirations and needs, among others. Besides, some other subordinate influential factors leading to cultism could be linked to negative influence of peer group, parental background, frustration, retrogression of education standards, militarisation of the Nigerian polity, decadence of the Nigerian society, seeming irredeemable corruption status in our society today, etc.
The effect of this is enormous, inimical and drastically destructive to the individual students, the educational system and the national development at large. Being a total discredit to the learning process, it tends to disrupt prevailing peace in tertiary institutions, discourage students from furthering their studies, and completing their academic programmes in a record time. It also results in expulsion of some students which could terminate their academic career for lift. It equally, while brings about at the same time, the destruction of a lot of lives and properties.
There is therefore need for media campaign specifically aimed at eradicating all forms of cultism and violence in our higher institutions without destroying the students’ constitutional right of association. By so doing, our campuses could be restored to their original status as citadels of learning and development of character based on the principle of liberal academic pursuit.
The specific goal of this campaign is to sensitise the youths in particular and the public in general on the reality of the evil connect with cultism and how it contributes to the retrogression and deplorable situation of all national development. By so doing the youths already engaged in cultism in the institutions of learning and beyond will be encouraged to renounce their members and embrace a responsible life that will make them beneficial to themselves and the society. It is also aimed at deterring those who would have ordinarily been lured into these nefarious activities; and also persuade youths not to allow themselves to be used as tugs by some politicians that are equally cult-oriented. It is all about ‘Say no to cultism’. ‘Cultism destroys your ambition’. ‘Leave cult and live longer’ etc.
To realise this, the inherent evil associated with cultism should still be explained to young people in schools at all levels through sensitisation, seminars, workshops, posters and handbills. A multimedia approach will be expedient to ensure the message gets to as many people as possible in accordance with the type of media accessible to them. Audiovisuals and the society network media like the facebook, twitter, whasapp, instagram etc with which the youths are mostly occupied will be beneficial.
Parents should desist from being members of secret cults and also prevent their children from joining bad groups. Students who do not belong to cults can, in collaboration with some authentic security agents, be organised into anti-cult vanguards or groups to watch or monitor the activities of these ill-fated groups, and then report any cult activities to university authorities or law enforcement agents which should be sincerely monitored.
However, there must be improved facilities and better standard of living conditions on campuses so as to minimise perceived strain in the social system which underline cultism on the campuses. Religious and moral instructions should be reintroduced in higher institutions and the society at large.
It is therefore imperative that all hands be on deck to combat this ugly trend that has become firmly entrenched in most tertiary institutions, and deal decisively with cultism in our high institutions. Everybody should be involved in this campaign to say ‘no’ to cultism, re-orient the youths and save the future generation beginning with the present, for a breakthrough in our national development.
Ejidike is a student of CIWA, Port Harcourt.
Vincent Ejidike
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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