Opinion
The Fall O The Gambian Dictator
The fall of The Gambian ex-President, Dr.Yahya Jammeh is a lesson for the remaining sit-tight dictators in Africa and elsewhere around the world.
In 1994, Jammeh who is the former head of The Gambian National Army Military Police carried out the first successful military coup in Banjul, The Gambia’s capital, ousting the post independence and democratic elected leader, Dr. Dauda Jawara.
Jammeh is no stranger to crisis. He played a role in the Economic Community of West African State Monitoring Group, ECOMOG as a leader of The Gambian contingent to Liberia during the brutal civil war orchestrated by the rebellious Charles Taylor of Liberia in the early 90’s. Few weeks after the Gambian contingent left Liberia, Jammeh, then a captain seized power from Jawara and The Gambia joined the league of nations that had military coup in the world’s politics.
Jammeh however, returned the tiny West African nation to democratic governance, but ensured that all the presidential elections were manipulated to favour him. Jammeh ran a personality of cult under his leadership with his kinsmen in every spheres of The Gambia’s national affairs. During his reign, many innocent citizens were killed and political opponents summarily executed in a frame-up putsch charges.
It was not surprising, therefore, that there was a huge celebration in Banjul and around the country when December 2016 presidential election results were announced and the candidate of the opposition party, Adama Barrow was declared the winner by The Gambia Electoral Commission. Initially, Jammeh accepted defeat and subsequently congratulated the winner, President Barrow who won a landslide victory. Two weeks after, Jammeh made a u-turn rejecting the results of the free and fair polls ever held in The Gambia. Rather than handing over to Barrow peacefully, Jammeh fortified his authoritarian rule on the Gambia by extending his tenure by 90 days and declaring a state of emergency in his country.
But for the quick intervention of the regional group, ECOWAS; continental body, African Union and the United Nations AU that strongly condemned the action of the long time ruler of The Gambia, and threatened not to recognize him after January 19,2017, Jammeh would perhaps have been in power till now.
The problem is that Jammeh failed to take a cue from many other world dictators such as the late Liberian dictator, Samuel Kanyon Doe; Laurent Gbagbo and General Robert Gue of Ivory Coast, the strongman in the maghreb region, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi of Libya; Idi Amin Dada of Uganda, Emperor Jean Bedel Bokassa of the defunct Central African Empire, now Central African Republic (CAR); Pol Pot of South Eastern nation of Cambodia, Jean- Claude Duvalier , popularly known as Baby Doc of Haiti; Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) etc.
Apart from former Ivorian President, Gbagbo who is standing trial at The Hague for crimes against humanity during his misrule, other despots mentioned above are all dead.
Meanwhile, there were some other dictators around the world who after misrule sought asylum in other countries. For instance, Hissen Habre, former Chadian leader took sanctuary in Senegal in 1990. In 1991, former Marxist leninist leader of Ethiopia, Colonel Mengistus Haile Mariam also took safe refuge in Zimbabwe. In 2011, President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali who ruled Tunisia with tight grip since 1989 escaped to Saudi Arabia during the Arab springs while Blaise Campaore, the long time maximum ruler of Burkina Faso now lives in Ivory Coast, all in self exile.
Ironically, in 2011 during the Libyan uprising to oust the then strong man of Libya, Muammar Gaddafi, Jammeh was the first President in the world to ask Gaddafi to step down for the interest of Libya and Libyans.
“Given the unacceptable scale of violence in Libya, we hereby called on Colonel Muammar Gaddafi to spare the lives of Libyans by stepping down immediately. The most honorable act that Gaddafi owes to the Libyan people is the sacred duty to step down immediately and let valiant Libyan people take charge of their affairs and their country’s destiny”, the former dictation had said.
There is no gainsaying that peaceful exit from office on expiration of one’s tenure is the best option for a leader, but in Africa it is a different episode.
Jammeh failed as people’s servant for not obeying the wish of The Gambian people and the good people of Africa. He failed to remember the consequences that there is life after State House.
Jammeh should have learnt from some past leaders who peacefully handed over to the winners of their countries’ presidential elections such as former Nigerian President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, Dr. John Mahatma of the Republic of Ghana, Soglo of Benin Republic, Dr. Mrs. Joyce Banda of South African State of Malawi etc, who are now enjoying life after presidential palace.
I must say that the support enjoyed by Barrow from Ecowas, AU, UN and other world leaders is a plus for democracy all over the world. It particularly signals the end of dictatorship in Africa and the world at large.
Now that President Adama Barrow has taken over power, he should improve the quality of life of the electorate, the ordinary Gambians.
The fall of Jammeh, as an oppressive leader will surely go down in the history of the world’s politics. It is a big lesson for despotic leaders who are still holding on to power in Africa against the wish of the citizens.
For most of these despots, the alternative to being in power is either death or exile. Otherwise, why would Jammeh refuse to vacate office peacefully after ruling The Gambia for 22 year? Perhaps he wanted to join the club of late Ivorian post independence president, Dr.Felix Houphouet- Boigny, Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone and Eyadema of Togo.
How woefully he failed. Pity!
Karibo-Nelson, a social commentator, writes from Ogu in Rivers State.
Jinbobarye Karibo-Nelson
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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