Opinion
Revisiting UN Treaty On Corruption
The Punch newspaper editorial of November 14, 2003 examined and commented on the United Nation’s Treaty on Corruption. The Federal Government of Nigeria is a signatory to that treaty, and that was why it sought the cooperation of the international body in the recovery of the 618 million dollars Abacha loot trapped in Switzerland.
Mr. Kofi Annan, the then UN Secretary General, announced that the world body had prepared a treaty for member nations to sign which would require them to return assets obtained through corruption to the countries from which they were stolen. According to Annan “corrupt officials will, in future, find fewer ways to hide their illicit gains.”
A meeting of member-nations of the UN was scheduled for December 9-11, 2003, in Merida, Mexico, as the final phase of the preparation of the anti-corruption treaty, which took two years for the 130 UN member-nations to draft. The 71-article-treaty covered issues like bribery, illicit enrichment, embezzlement, misappropriation, money laundering, protection of whistle blowers, freezing of assets and cooperation among members states.
The treaty was to become operational 90 days after ratification by the 130 nations, with member states urged to establish appropriate laws and agencies to deal with corruption at local level. There was a long list of items dealing with statute of limitations for prosecution of corruption cases and provisions to deal with evasion of administration of justice.
A man listed the benefits of the treaty, stating that it would be a particularly important issue for many development nations where corrupt officials had plundered their nations’ wealth. The bulk of corruption cases is in the domain of national governments and their agencies.
Although the treaty posed a serious challenge to the legal framework as well as the collective conscience of many western nations, they are the beneficiaries of corruption. It is a fact that the looting of public treasury is associated with African leaders and the political elite. It is also true that such loots have been estimated to be quite over 140 billion dollars, stashed away in western countries.
Western statistical figures would tell us that over 800 million hungry people in the world are Africans and that half of sub-Saharan Africans live on less than one dollar per day. We have also been told that Nigerians are “fantastically corrupt,” but western nations would not emphasize the truth that receiving and benefiting from stolen property is a corrupt practice. We would not be told that the worst form of violence is injustice, or that injustices result in social instability, poverty, wars, hate speech, etc, etc.
Western countries have been known to sell weapons of mass destruction including second World War ammunition to African leaders to help them destroy themselves.
Have western countries not used Africans as experimental guinea-pigs, to test new products, including drugs? Have we forgotten the “Trovan” drug that was so effective that it killed rather than save children who were treated or tested with Trovan? Just as Acquired Just as Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) originated in Africa (like every other evil), is it not being insinuated that corruption is an African affair, since the people are pathologically and “fantastically” corrupt?
Someone doing a study on the politics of corruption is asking lots of questions: Why are some public officials and politicians being shielded or protected while others are being chased all over the globe? Can security or intelligence agencies not become instruments for covering up delicate cases of money laundering? Have Nigerians been told the truth about “missing 12.4 billion dollar Gulf oil windfall in 1991” and the Pius Okigbo panel’s report on the matter? Was General Abacha the only looting president? Was corruption in Nigeria an invention by Goodluck Jonathan?
As promising as the UN treaty on anti-corruption may be, are there no setback on its actualization in Nigeria? Are loot receiver-nations not equally guilty? Is a selective, scapegoat system of justice not corruption, and are recovered loots not re-looted? Has the UN, in the spirit and letters of the anti-corruption treaty, done much to treat uncooperating member-nations the same way that nations suspected to be encouraging terrorism are treated?
I believe that the anti-corruption war should be fought globally with the same vigour as terrorism because both are instrumental to poverty and instability in Africa. In developed countries, corruption often takes the form of lobbying and other clever guises rather than the crude way it does in developing counties. The corrupt state of humanity is at stake in this issue.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer from Rivers State University, Port Harcourt. Email:bamirize@yahoo.com.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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