Editorial
Pass PIB, Now
On September 30, the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) scaled first reading in the Ninth Senate.
The bill is expected to return to the floor of the Senate next Tuesday for second reading and formal debate. And the first reading comes barely 48 hours after it was re-transmitted to the National Assembly by President Muhammadu Buhari in a letter read by the Senate President, at the resumption of plenary on September 29.
But this is not the first time that the PIB has gone through extensive legislative interrogation in the National Assembly.
Indeed, almost 20 years after it was first introduced on the floor of the National Assembly, the PIB has passed through several alterations and debates without success, leading to it being split into different pieces of legislation, and passage of the Petroleum Industry Governance Bill (PIGB), for the first time in May, 2017, and its concurrence by the House of Representatives, later that year.
Unfortunately, Buhari withheld assent on the PIGB in July, 2018. By a presidential communication of July 29, 2018, addressed to the Senate and House of Representatives, the President referred to constitutional and legal reasons why he declined assent.
The Tide recalls that the PIGB was articulated to establish a framework for the creation of commercially-oriented and profit-driven petroleum entities that ensure value addition and internalisation of the petroleum industry while promoting transparency and accountability in the administration of petroleum resources as well as fostering conducive business environment for industry operations.
The PIGB was the first tranche of the PIB, which includes the Upstream Petroleum Licence and Lease Administration, Downstream Oil and Gas Administration, and Petroleum Industry Fiscals, and Petroleum Revenue Management, including Petroleum Host Community Fund.
However, on November 4, 2019, Buhari signed the amended Deep Offshore Act 2019, being part of the PIB that incorporates the Production Sharing Contracts, designed to ensure Nigeria gets fair and equitable share of income from natural resources for the first time since 2003.
With the reintroduction of the PIB, which comprises the Petroleum Industry Fiscal Bill (PIFB), Petroleum Industry Administration Bill (PIAB), Petroleum Host and Impacted Communities Development Bill (PHICDB), and renewed optimism in the National Assembly on its passage, The Tide feels particularly glad that the push to perfect the deregulation of all streams in the oil and gas sector is gathering momentum.
This feeling is even more satisfying when we reckon that the new bill has, in addition to the upstream and downstream portfolios in the earlier one, the recognition that the midstream (pipeline) sector holds the key to accelerating the diversification and competitiveness of the industry for increased benefits for the nation’s economy. We charge the NASS to pass the urgent legislation simultaneously.
While The Tide agrees that the oil and gas companies must play pivotal roles in the development of host communities where they make fortunes for shareholders, it is surprising that the Buhari administration has surreptitiously reduced the statutory contributions of the oil and gas firms from the initial 10 per cent in the bill presented to the Eighth NASS to 2.5 per cent in the current bill, thereby denying the region huge chunk of money that would have helped transform communities and empower millions of people.
Even as we note the statutory three per cent contribution from the annual budgets of oil and gas companies to the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the 13 per cent derivation paid to the nine oil-producing states from the federation accounts, we insist that the cumulative allocation of about 26 per cent from oil revenue for the development of the difficult region is not too much.
We, therefore, urge NASS members from the region to lobby for increase in the contributable funds to 10 per cent to promote peace, development and progress in the host communities.
Interestingly, the quick passage of the PIB will not only accelerate development through the infusion of more funds into host communities, boosting youth employment and peace in the region, but will serve as a comprehensive instrument for the diversification of the oil and gas sector and the country’s economy.
Indeed, the PIB, when passed and assented to, will bring about more inclusive development away from crude oil to other product lines and by-products, just as it ensures robust engagement between international oil companies (IOCs) and the government in the area of investment and modifications in the Joint Venture Partnerships (JVPs)/cash call obligations.
Besides, the PIB will engender activation and extension of indigenous participation and local content development, just and fair engagement of the oil producing communities and transparency/accountability in an industry that would be more efficient and effective with clear and separate roles for governance and regulatory institutions in the petroleum industry.
It is not in doubt that the delay in the passage of the PIB has been holding down lots of Final Investment Decisions (FIDs) and critical investments in the oil and gas sector. The Tide, therefore, urges the NASS members to fast-track the passage of the PIB to send the signal to the world that Nigeria is serious about an oil sector reform that provides a win-win landscape for all players in the industry. Time is of the essence. There is no better time than now, especially as oil is being found everywhere around the globe.
Of course, with oil production capacity declining by between 10 per cent and 15 per cent annually, and Nigeria struggling to maintain two million barrels per day production quota, it is imperative to speed up the passage of the PIB so that investors can begin to splash the desperately needed $10 billion capital expenditure (CAPEX) annually in the country. This will also help attract the required $20 billion to $30 billion CAPEX yearly to grow Nigeria’s target daily production of three million barrels per day, going forward.
The timely conclusion of this reform process would guarantee legislative certainty and clarity, which the industry needs now more than ever before.
No nation yearning for development will allow various unfavourable fiscal and regulatory frameworks to impede the take-off of an estimated $100 billion worth of projects awaiting FDIs in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector.
We insist that the opportunity cost of this unwarranted delay in terms of industry growth, infrastructure and value addition to the economy and job creation is too high, for the country to continue to toy with the passage of the bill.
We believe that this time around, the Ninth National Assembly will break the jinx and holistically pass the PIB. The lawmakers must know that struggling to pass a bill for 20 years is a shame and a betrayal of the trust their constituents have bestowed on them as representatives.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.