Editorial
S’ West, Herders’ Crisis: Lessons For S’ South
 
																								
												
												
											Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East, surging banditry violence in the North-West, incessant farmer/herder’s conflict in the North-Central and South-West, constant threats of attacks by the Niger Delta militants in the South-South and a secessionist bid by the Independent Peoples Of Biafra (IPOB) in the South-East, have all culminated into a huge complex crisis for Nigeria, the giant of Africa. As it stands now, the Federal Government appears unconcerned, perhaps awaiting the ugly occurrences to snowball into full-blown crises before direct interventions will be made.
The recent marching order by Governor RotimiAkeredolu to all killer-herdsmen residing in Ondo State’s forest reserve to quit within seven days, which provoked controversy over the legal propriety or otherwise of the proclamation, is one of the many crisis situations characterising the Nigerian State. And beyond propriety, the conflict assumed ethnic, religious and political colouration that is quite unwholesome.
To all discerning Nigerians, the South-West is fast becoming another cynosure of widespread insecurity where cockcrow robberies, kidnappings, and banditry hold sway. Farmers are murdered at will while at work on their farms. Commuters, traditional rulers and eminent personalities are equally not spared as they are often abducted. Ondo and Oyo States are practically at the receiving end of the menace perpetrated by those often identified as Fulani herdsmen.
Given the circumstances, it will amount to gross irresponsibility and outright complicity for a sitting governor to watch while his citizens are maimed and killed and their territories invaded by criminal gangs. It was on this score that Akeredolu, at a meeting with Hausa/Fulani and Ebira communities in the state, issued the ultimatum for herders to get registered with the government and those that had encroached forest reserve, without being registered, to vacate.
Similarly, a ban was placed on night grazing because most farm destructions take place at night. Cattle movements within cities and highways including grazing of cattle by underaged persons were equally outlawed. So far, the decision has gone down well with many Nigerians across ethnic, religious and political lines, except the Federal Government who, without discerning the governor’s order which was directed at unregistered and criminal herders, condemned the quit order, citing Section 41 of the 1999 Constitution. The Presidency’s crass display of prejudice is tragic.
The widely reported meeting between South-West governors and the leadership of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) may have doused the raging fume arising from Akeredolu’s quit notice. However, there is no proof of a foreseeable end to the crimes, violence and destruction of livelihoods. There appears to be no unwavering commitment to end open grazing in the country. Most of the issues that aggravated the crisis in Igangan in Ondo, like most farming communities across the country, remain largely unresolved.
We support Akeredolu’s action, especially given the impending anarchy being orchestrated by the heartless criminals in his state. All well-meaning Nigerians should back his action as well. Though the 1999 Constitution permits the free movement of Nigerians without let or hindrance, it cannot be a reason to subjugate a people and subject them to atrocities. We similarly reject the claim by the Senior Special Adviser to the President on Media Matters, Mallam Garba Shehu, that the Ondo governor’s order amounted to a blanket eviction of herders in the state and, therefore, a violation of their constitutional rights.
An attempt by a state to secure its citizens by genuinely examining occupants through an order that all residents be registered to fish out criminal elements who hide in their forest reserve cannot be the same as blanket eviction of people from the entire area. Even the Presidency knows that the right to freedom of movement and residence in any part of the country provided for in Section 41 of the 1999 Constitution does not vest in a citizen the right to trespass on private lands.
All plots of land, as we know, are either owned by individuals, corporate organisations, communities or governments. After all, state governors are empowered by the Land Use Act to grant or revoke statutory rights of occupancy in any part of the state. In exercising those rights, therefore, Akeredolu can issue the order he made against those criminals residing in the forests to commit crimes.
The Ondo scenario is a metaphor representing a growing resolve by the rest of the country to adopt self-help measures to combat serious crimes in the face of the abysmal failure of the Federal Government to secure Nigerians. Hence, there is a need for the establishment of regional security outfits across the country in the mould of Amotekun which has been dealing with killer-herdsmen in the South-West.
Specifically, governors and stakeholders from the South-South should learn some lessons from the Ondo incident. First, they must be united and shun all political and cultural differences. Second, they must constitute a common security outfit as an answer to the nagging security challenges in the region in particular and the country in general. Third, as proper to the circumstances, the Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo and Delta (BRACED) Commission should be revitalised to ensure the security and economic development of the region. These measures and perhaps many others have become necessary to contain fleeing criminals from the South-West following pressure from Amotekun.
The South-South leaders have to be proactive and secure their people as the region is now beset with the criminal activities of vandals who rupture pipelines, kidnappers, bandits, robbers, cultists and sea pirates for as long as anyone can remember. When South-West governors announced the arrival of Amotekun, it was initially resisted and declared illegal by the Federal Government. But the governors went through a painstaking process of making it legal through their respective Attorneys-General and legislature. The South-East has followed suit by declaring its security outfit called Eastern Security Network (ESN). Therefore, the South-South cannot be an exception.
Insecurity is thriving across the country, and governors cannot pretend that the issue is beyond them. It is bad enough that the President and his handlers are perceived as biased and advancing the Fulani agenda with the insecurity that goes with it. It is worse that the same Presidency that has no practicable solution to the problem of insecurity is impeding pragmatic response begun by a governor to secure his people. The Presidency should endorse home-grown initiatives like Akeredolu’s, not antagonise them.
Editorial
Strike: Heeding ASUU’s Demands
 
														Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
 
														When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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