Opinion
On Nigeria’s Sugar Tax Policy
On December 31, 2021, the president signed into law a policy that would become a major weapon in our fight against obesity and overweight. The policy was part of the new finance bill, and it fixed a N10 sugar tax per litre on all carbonated and sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) drinks.
According to the Minister for Finance and National Planning, Mrs Zainab Ahmed, the tax is meant to discourage excessive sugar intake; but it is also an avenue to generate the much needed revenue to strengthen health care delivery in the country. It is estimated that the sugar tax will generate as much as N81 billion in three years.
The federal government is following after 50 other countries that have implemented a similar sugar tax, including South Africa in 2016 and UK in 2018. These countries have seen more than expected reductions in sugar intake since their policies became active.
In Nigeria, the sugar tax is a welcomed development and a major step in the fight against the evil Siamese twins of obesity and overweight; and this is why the National Action on Sugar, a health coalition for advocating for policy measures to combat non-communicable disease, views the policy as a preventive measure. Also, the Nigerian Cancer Society, while commending the federal government, noted that non-communicable diseases account for one in three deaths in the country.
SSB has been linked with obesity, Type 2 diabetes, overweight, tooth decay and cardiovascular diseases, according to a 2010 World Bank report. Obesity and overweight are further associated with other health complications, such as heart disease and certain types of cancer and stroke. Globally, obesity and overweight are now ranked as the third leading cause of death for adults. A 2016 report by Statista, a global data firm, indicates that around 1.9 billion people are overweight globally; and out of this number, 650 suffer obesity. The figure for Nigeria as of 2020 was 12 million.
Research has shown a strong correlation between SSB and obesity-overweight. The evidence is overwhelming, and it should scare us. For instance, according to Statista, Nigeria is the fourth largest consumer of soft drinks after the US, China and Mexico.
Apparently, we are number one in Africa, consuming more than 40 million liters of soft drinks per annum. In fact, the estimated year-on-year volume growth for 2022 is 0.5 percent – meaning that Nigerians will consume a whopping 73,567,500 liters of soft drinks this year.
So far, there have been major attacks on the policy from the Manufacturers Association of Nigerian (MAN) and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC). Their arguments have been targeted at the two main aims of the policy; namely discouraging excessive sugar intake and revenue generation to support the 2022 budget.
They asserted that there were other avenues of major sugar intake aside from soft drinks, especially our heavy carbohydrate diet. On the revenue side, they picked holes in the federal government’s revenue projections.
According to MAN’s estimate, the federal government will lose up to N197 billion in VAT, tertiary tax, and company income tax. MAN further contends that the implementation of the policy will trigger the loss of N1.9 trillion in the sector over the next five years; and that the consumer will be on the receiving end, bearing the full brunt of the policy.
In the same vein, the NLC is concerned that as many as 15,000 jobs could be on the line as a result of the policy. They argue that the impact of the policy could be far-reaching, considering the current unemployment rate of 33 per cent; and the fact that 38 per cent of the total workforce of MAN is domiciled in the soft drinks sub-sector.
The primary intent of the policy is laudable, but the idea of generating revenue is completely flawed, consequently making the policy deficient, and neither MAN nor NLC addressed this deficiency in their opposition to the policy. For instance, the UK government estimated about £500 million from their own sugar tax; but in 2020, the tax generated only £33 million due to the compliance component of the policy.
The UK sugar tax termed soft drinks industry levy (SDIL) took off in 2018, and since then a myriad of reports have shown its effectiveness in the reduction of sugar intake, both for households and residents. One report indicated that the SDIL is responsible for the reduction of sugar intake of nearly 6500 calories per resident, and a reduction of about 30g per household per week. The SDIL has a layered structure, whereby, soft drinks having eight grams of sugar per 100 ml is taxed £0.24 per litre.
Contrary to the position of MAN an NLC, available research has not shown any overall decline in the sales of soft drinks in the UK, indicating that the policy is actually achieving the intended result without any negative consequence on the soft drinks industry. A similar result was seen in South Africa after the implementation of their own sugar tax in 2016. A report from The Lancet indicates that the policy prompted an industry-wide sugar content reduction.
However, the Nigerian sugar tax, in spite of being a major step in the right direction, is deficient. Unlike the UK sugar tax, the Nigerian sugar tax is structured in a manner that perpetually puts the burden on the consumers. It does not incentivise innovation among the soft drinks manufacturers that is capable of leading to sugar content reduction in their products.
For instance, sugar reduction was seen in the UK and South Africa before the implementation of the policy. Before 2018, most of the soft drinks manufacturers in the UK have reduced their gram per 100 ml. Most of the manufacturers producing above five grams per 100 ml brought their sugar content to 4.5 grams per 100 ml; while those producing at above eight grams per 100 ml brought their content to about 7.5 gram per 100 ml.
The Nigerian policy of N10 per litre is a disincentive for change. In the long run, it might not be effective as compared to the SDIL of the UK which has spurred an industry-wide sugar revolution of immense benefits both to the consumer and the soft drink manufacturers. The federal government should take another look at the policy in a bid to better it by addressing the inherent deficiencies in order for the policy to achieve its primary aim.
In the first instance, the federal government should stipulate an acceptable sugar-content level per litre instead of the N10 per litre which is arbitrary, and disregards sugar content level. Secondly, the federal government should jettison the idea of using the policy to generate revenue; rather, it should amplify the health benefits of reducing excessive sugar intake. If this is done, MAN, NLC and other members of the organised private sector will fully be onboard
By: Raphael Pepple
In a calculated attempt to tarnish the reputation of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Lere Olayinka, the self-styled Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and Social Media to FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, stormed News Central TV with a cocktail of lies, half-truths and unfortunate distortions. This desperate smear campaign demands a bold response to expose the true mastermind behind the political turbulence rocking Rivers State. Olayinka harped on the current situation of the Rivers State House of Assembly, highlighting the presence of only three (3) active members. Yet, he conveniently glossed over the real story of Martin Amaewhule and his co-defectors who cowardly abandoned their constituencies and their mandates by defecting to the APC without due consultation. These former legislators, by law, automatically vacated their seats, but Olayinka lacks the courage to admit this truth.
When asked about Wike’s involvement in Rivers State’s political turmoil, Olayinka could not deny the undeniable. Wike is not only a major player in this crisis but also its architect. His meddlesome tendencies and attempts to control the state from Abuja have been met with stiff resistance from Rivers people who are fed-up with his overreach. Olayinka’s claim that Wike elevated Governor Fubara from “a mere cashier” to governor reeks of pettiness. It is an insult to Fubara’s track record of service and to the Rivers people who overwhelmingly voted for him. The truth is, Governor Fubara was instrumental to any success Wike claims during his time as governor, especially in financial prudence and project execution, Olayinka can challenge me to a debate if in doubt. Mr. Olayinka falsely accused Governor Fubara of disobeying President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
The irony, however, is glaring. The real defiance came from those who President Tinubu called his “newborn babies,” only to disown him days later. Aside the impeachment attempt, Wike’s ill-advised push for these individuals to defect to the APC is at the root of the political mess they currently face. Olayinka’s admission that Fubara is the governor and wields the “red biro” underscores one truth: Governor Siminalayi Fubara is in Charge. While his employer may attempt to pull the strings of discord, Rivers people have declared unequivocally that the era of external interference is over. Sir Fubara is taking bold steps to restore dignity and prioritise the state’s interests. Also, Olayinka’s attempt to draw parallels between Rivers State and Kogi State only highlights his lack of understanding of Rivers politics. Rivers people are not Kogi people.
They will not accept a situation where commissioners or key appointments are dictated from only one man, as Wike attempted to do. Rivers people have spoken, and their stance is non-negotiable. Olayinka’s laughable claim that Governor Fubara is dining with those who opposed his emergence shows a lack of political depth. Almost everyone standing with Wike today—including Magnus Abe and Chidi Lloyd—at one time opposed his own governorship bid. Politics evolves and alliances shift. Governor Fubara is focused on governance, not on petty vendettas. Assuming, without conceding, that Governor Fubara did not address Rivers people during the campaign, the blame lies squarely on Wike, who perhaps never allowed him to speak. He almost succeeded in extending this overbearing tendencies into the governance of the state, but Rivers people are saying “No” to this meddlesome interference.
The glaring contradictions in Olayinka’s rhetoric can tell you why Fayose failed woefully in Ekiti State despite all his noise. Just like his principal, Olayinka has mastered the art of bluster without substance. When pressed on what Wike wants from Governor Fubara that he is not getting, Olayinka could not provide an answer. The truth is simple: Wike desires absolute control, but Governor Fubara and Rivers people have drawn the line. Olayinka’s interview on News Central TV was nothing but a desperate attempt to deflect attention from Wike’s political blunders and meddlesome tendencies. The records are clear: Governor Fubara is focused on the interests of Rivers people, while Wike and his cronies remain trapped in a web of personal ambition. The good news is that Rivers people know the truth. Governor Fubara is acting decisively and Rivers State is moving forward under his leadership. No amount of propaganda or falsehoods can change this fact.
John Martins
Martins wrote in from Port Harcourt.
Men and women of goodwill are celebrating remarkable milestones in the life of Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara. He turned 50 on January 28, 2025. His unwavering dedication, focus on excellence, effective advocacy beyond a single-focus “magic bullet” to governance with integrated approach that recognises multiple interrelated drivers of governance change, truly inspire the people. Rivers State is the second largest economy in Nigeria. It is hub of oil and the gas industry, and remains a major contributor to the country’s wealth. It is over such strong, powerful and strategical state, Governor Fubara superintends. At 50 years, he is gold sparkles and in a season of exhilarating jubilee. In 2024, his administration hosted investment summits. Manifest results now show inflow of multiplicity of foreign investments. Strategic partnership festers and the growth of Rivers economy is sustained. Investors enjoy tax moratoriums and land title issuance.
Jollification drumbeats are intense. Fulsome sound. Overreached with symphonic echoes. Scintillated strumming. The strings. Stroke of dexterity and bellowing melody, all so enthralling. Whether in Rivers or elsewhere in Nigeria, you will wriggle waists, do joyful handclaps or leap with hope-filled heart. Feet will do the hopping. There is comforting peace. The glean. A bland. Emphatically, Rivers people bare their hearts of gratitude to God. He enthroned Governor Fubara at at an auspicious time. The people are better off today than ever. The brutish political crisis erupted like a thief at night but was hushed by a watchful watchman. Because it is contained, the people are happier. More 3,066 persons got empowered with N3.6 billion loan facility on a single-digit interest rate of 7.5per cent per annum. It was made possible by a partnership between Rivers government and Bank of Industry (BOI). It offers support to small businesses, drives economic growth, promotes job creation and wealth generation efforts. Ultimately, it is to improve the standard of living of the citizens.
Happier citizenry. Civil and public servants got statutory promotion with consequential salary paid after being stagnated on a grade level for over a decade. In December 2023 and 2024, Christmas bonuses of N100,000 apiece, was paid to each worker, a gesture also extended to retirees. Governor Fubara is a leader with a pure human and godly heart. He had not confronted political violence with violence. No shade of political witch-hunting. No arrest on trumped-up charges. No politically motivated assassinations witnessed. The most insulted by political opponents. His reliance on God is legendary in a wild field of conscienceless political maneuverings, spewing of contradictory lies, threaded thickets of threats, mounted conspiracies to truncate governance and levels of insistence to cause stampede that intend to force a surrendering of the will of the people. All, came to nought. They have become like the mountains before Zerubbabel melting into wax.
What is seen is not indentured servitude. Governor Fubara stands in the gates firmly, defusing violet plots against the mandate of Rivers people. Steadied governance, ensured protection of life and property in a peaceful State. There is messianic balm, sufficiently applied to offer a soothing to frightened hearts, and calmed troubled nerves. Of course, nobody with a decent grasp of the complexity and deep-rooted nature of the crisis will believe that it will be resolved so easily. But you will need to know this also. Governor Fubara was born on a Tuesday in Opobo Town and bears unique traits of people born on Tuesday. Of note is his persistence on chosen course, strives with conviction and wholeheartedly drives on until desirable success is achieved. He is solidly courageous, shares no tent with fear because he must take the risks required to reaching his goals, which is why he faces the challenges head-on.
He is calm though, but makes no mistake about his dogged fighting spirit, calculative and straightforward spirit that wins squarely, and fairly. Four critical priority areas are at focus; healthcare, education, agriculture and road infrastructure development. He must win too, in truly empowering the people to attain quality living. In improving public sector education, the investment is holistic, almost equal attention given to basic education, post-primary education and tertiary education. Personnel, not less than 1000 apiece, are employed into universal basic education and post-primary levels. Staff recruitment done at Ignatius Ajuru University of Education and at Captain Elechi Amadi Polytechnic. A new Rivers State College of Education is in the offing plus 3000 more teachers to be recruited to improve the teacher: learners’ ratio.
Modern learning infrastructure and essential instructional materials are distributed to nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools in the 23 local government areas, which included Teachers’ notebooks, smart-board pens, dusters and marker pens, writing pens, textbooks covering all subjects, Phonetics textbooks, varieties of storybooks, records and diaries for junior secondary schools, school attendance registers. The health sector has received historic investments. 25 general hospitals have capacity strengthened to provide regular, quality healthcare. More health facilities like four zonal hospitals in Bori, Ahoada, Degema, and Omoku towns in four local government areas being remodelled, expanded and upgraded. A modern psychiatric hospital is nearing completion and will be equipped to provide dedicated neuro-psychiatric services. Already, 1,000 personnel are employed by the Rivers State Health Management Board while another 1,000 are engaged by the Rivers State University Teaching Hospital (RSUTH). This will bridge manpower gap.
There is a comprehensive agriculture transformation support programme pursued with the N31 billion allocated in 2025 budget to achieve food security, enhance job creation and facilitate economic growth. Some legacy road projects included the 15.6 km Port Harcourt Ring road and 12.5km Trans-Kalabari Highway Road. These critical infrastructure consolidate development efforts. Truly, at 50, Governor Fubara will have moments for deep reflection and be genuinely propelled to express gratitude to God for divine benevolence. He stands between dreams and aspirations, some achieved, others yet pursued. What is more, in these 50 years, he has given it his all, and still eager to grasp opportunities to live to fullest while delivering more quality service to the state, country and humanity.
Tamunobarabi Ibulubo
Ibulubo is of the Rivers State Television (RSTV), Port Harcourt.
In mid October, 2024, our national electricity grid suffered three collapses just within a week, throwing many states of Nigeria in total blackouts. Right from independence, Nigeria has always set agendas for attaining steady electricity, but ends up failing to achieve that noble objective. The perennial challenge of providing reliable electricity across Nigeria is however no puzzle beyond humans, yet the sector remains backward, notwithstanding series of reforms and public expenditures. But at the centre of the failures from all past reforms, is a common factor – the reluctance by government, whether deliberate or inadvertent, to extricate itself from the operational lines of the business. The presence of Nigerian government in any business process, especially where it monopolistically occupies vital operational linkage, has proven to create bottlenecks that stifle efficiencies, and defeat the overall objectives.
This was evident in the telecommunications sector, as it is in the petroleum and power sectors. Take for instance, the current policy framework that overshadowes electricity business across Nigeria, where in the name of privatisation, government deliberately butchered off, and separately sold vital organs of the national electricity industry, in an arrangement where the generating companies (GenCos) do not have licences to transmit and distribute generated power, and distribution companies (DisCos) have no licences to produce the sole commodity they sell, while the federal government through the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), monopolistically retains transmission trades between GenCos and DisCos.The insertion of TCN between the private businesses of power generation and distribution, destroys benefits derivable from privatising electricity productions in Nigeria.
With the GenCos and DisCos answerable to the separate managements while the TCN reports to the Federal Ministry of Power, Works and Housing, it is obvious that the unbreakable chain of commands needed for seamless business operations was designed for disarray. Besides, government also solely holds the stakes in gas supplies needed for much of Nigeria’s 16,384 MegaWatts installed capacity. Due to inadequacy of gas supplies, the GenCos produce about 8,415MW, out of which, due to TCN’s inefficiency, only about 4,000MW get to DisCos. However, among the three loosely bound entities in Nigeria’s unholy marriage of electricity production, the GenCos appear more upbeat at investing for increased capacity but are dragged by delivery challenges from the TCN on the one hand, and poor revenue returns from the DisCos, on the other.
The failure of TCN to deploy modern surveillance and field data acquisition technologies to maintain network reliability, has left its facilities prone to vandalism. It does not encourage GenCos who take the major production risks that they can not deal directly with consumers. In the prevailing situation in which DisCos, being closest to power consumers harvest the collective revenue, the opaque nature of that crucial assignment as currently being conducted, gives room for under-reporting.The electricity business like any other, should project transparent prospects of profits to inspire undertakings in investment risks, and it is only operational frameworks that assure investors of end-to-end process integrity that can encourage the deployment of total commitments. Discos’ obvious reluctance at metering, nor upgrading distribution facilities for efficiency, gives no incentives to GenCos to increase investments in power generation.
It does not also help that TCN’s Market Operations (MO) department passes revenue trickles from DisCos, unto GenCos without enforcing collection transparency on the former. Most of Nigeria’s electricity transmission network infrastructure were installed more than 50 years ago. Since inheriting the transmission assets in the 2005 privatisation, and further restructuring in 2013, TCN’s Transmission Service Provider (TSP) department which is responsible for grid construction and maintenance has not done much to expand network capacity in readiness for increased generation. Neither has its System Operations (SO) department, responsible for stabilising operations, upgraded its frequency management and switching capabilities, but still relies on manual switching instead of investing in Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) systems that respond swiftly to changing grid frequencies.
It was not surprising therefore that a usual process fluctuation that came from uploading increased power generation into the national grid had overwhelmed SO’s manual switching capability, leading to the grid collapse of October, although Minster of Power alluded to the fact that the inability of TCN’s aged infrastructure to absorb extra power caused explosions at Jebba sub-station, leading to instabilities that collapsed the grid. Which ever be the case, the buck stops at the TCN, and by extension at government. One may then question the benefits derivable from contracts signed by the Buhari administration with Siemens of Germany in 2019. System automation is undeniably the core expertise of Siemens, and the deployment of the company’s switches would have handled grid fluctuations to prevent any collapse. Despite the huge budget allocations that go into the ministry of power, it is obvious that government processes – encumbered by bureaucracy, politics, paucity of funds and lack of business savvy – is entangling TCN’s abilities at keeping pace with its private partners.
So why should government create such a clog in the wheels of progress? Moreso, it has never been known that government declared financial profits from its years of investments in the power sector, nor are the social benefits apparent. Rather than hold unto an asset that continuously drains scarce finances at no benefits, while creating bottlenecks to processes, government should completely hands-off the industry, focus on its regulatory roles, and draw tax accruals. According to estimates by the World Bank, the failure of reliable power supplies in Nigeria costs yearly losses of $29 billion to companies who had to produce their own power, and is a major reason most companies close down in the country, or have migrated elsewhere, despite our human resource potentials and Nigeria being a huge market. The current Nigeria Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) structure, in which government-owned TCN is sandwiched between disunited GenCos and DisCos, is causing conflict of interests, unsustainable and ensures a tie of stagnation.
The electricity production framework should be restructured, even if it means partitioning the national grid, into a form that gives power companies combined and seamless abilities to generate, transmit and distribute power directly to their consumers, as being experimented by the Geometric Group in Aba.
Joseph Nwankwor