Editorial
Expectations From New Revenue Formula
Thursday, April 7, 2022, the Chairman of Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission
(RMAFC), Elias Mbam, presented the report of the proposed new revenue allocation formula for Nigeria to President Muhammadu Buhari. This is coming 30 years after the last exercise was carried out in 1992, during the military regime of Ibrahim Babangida.
Highlighting the key recommendations in the report, Mbam said the proposed vertical revenue distribution formula suggested 45.17 per cent for the Federal Government, 29.79 per cent for state governments and 21.04 per cent for local governments. Under the current sharing arrangement, the Federal Government receives 52.68 per cent of the revenue share, the states get 26.72 per cent and the local governments 20.60 per cent.
Under the special fund, the commission’s report recommended 1.0 per cent for ecology, 0.5 per cent for stabilisation, 1.3 per cent for natural resource development and 1.2 per cent for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). According to him, the new sharing formula was reached after extensive consultations with key stakeholders, public hearings across the country, administering of questionnaires, and a study of several other countries with similar fiscal structures to draw useful lessons from.
The commission also visited the 36 states, the FCT, and all the local government areas including the six area councils in Abuja to sensitise and obtain inputs from stakeholders, according to the RMAFC chairman. The chairman added that literature reviews were conducted on the revenue allocation formula in Nigeria dating back to the pre-independence duration.
Memos were reportedly received from the public sector, individuals and private institutions across the country. Mbam further noted that the country’s political structure had altered since the last review in 1992, with the addition of six more states in 1996, bringing the number of states to 36. At the same time, the number of local government councils also increased from 589 to 774.
The revenue allocation formula is the fraction of resources accruing to the federation that goes to each component of the nation. It also specifies the resources conserved in the areas where they are produced, as well as the proportions of the revenue accruing to the collecting agencies of government. The lack of justice and fairness in the distribution of the resources often results in tension and controversies in the polity.
President Buhari’s reaction to the new income distribution formula is commendable. In particular, he said he would await the outcome of the constitutional review process before submitting the report to the National Assembly. He assured the commission’s members that the Federal Government would conduct an internal review and approval process for the report shortly.
Buhari said, ‘‘Considering the changing dynamics of our political-economy, such as privatisation, deregulation, funding arrangement of primary education, primary health care and the growing clamour for decentralisation, among others, we must take another look at our revenue sharing formula, especially the vertical aspects that relate to the tiers of government.”
If the new revenue-sharing procedure gets approval, the Federal Government will have its allocation reduced by 3.33 per cent. However, the most important issue with Nigeria is not how revenue is shared, but the revenue itself. Nigeria’s revenue to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is about 8 perc ent while the average for Africa is 18 perc ent. Hence, it is more productive to concentrate efforts on improving revenue generation across the board than the fixation on sharing. We have a huge revenue problem.
The National Assembly should step up efforts to amend the relevant section of the Constitution for quick implementation of the new revenue formula. The Federal Government must immediately subject the report to its review and approval processes. We hail RMAFC for the meticulous work in carrying out its constitutional tasks. Nigerians, particularly state and local governments, are applauded for contributing to this development through the extensive stakeholder engagement processes.
At the height of the negotiating process of the current minimum wage of N30,000, the states (under the aegis of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum), proposed a fresh formulation to give them more resources. Governors cited their inability to pay. However, most of the governors have been reckless with the allocations they have been receiving, resulting in several states owing workers’ salaries and pension arrears. While state and local governments deserve to get more, the derivation on natural resources should also be jacked up with legally binding provisions on regular upward adjustments.
Nevertheless, the new sharing format is not the universal remedy for Nigeria’s stunted economic outlook. For now, Nigeria is a poor country. The World Bank estimates its Gross Domestic Product at $375.8 billion, the largest in Africa, but it is a deceptive narrative. At 200 million, its population far outstrips that of any other country on the continent. Our nation has been described by the World Poverty Clock as the global poverty capital, where 93 million people live below the $1.90 per day threshold.
The continuous sharing of oil resources currently generated will not be of significant help. The three tiers of government will permanently be bogged down in a financial crisis, primarily because Nigeria’s current structure is a dangerous aberration. For the nation to be progressive and dynamic, equity and justice have to be promoted in our federal system. Also, the retrogressive culture of entitlement to oil revenue should end. Ideally, the states should strive to become centres of development.
Across Nigeria today, the consensus is that there is an urgent need to devolve more financial resources from the centre to the states and local governments. This is to ensure that the tiers of government can carry out their functions and improve economic growth and development. While we endorse that agitation, we strongly believe that Nigeria could only attain its dream of development by operating true fiscal federalism, where every tier of government generates its revenue and controls the bulk of it, just as it was in the First Republic.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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