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Opinion

Restructuring: Perspectives And Challenges

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Before the 2019 general elections, the term restructuring became a buzz word in electioneering campaigns. Irrespective of the political divide, many aspirants promised to restructure Nigeria even though the meaning of the term appeared hazy. Some scholars in political economy posited that if the structure of state is faulty, good governance as epitomized in transparency, accountability, the rule of law and representation will be utopian. Re-structuring therefore, presupposes that there is a structure in place, which may be faulty hence the need for restructuring.
The ambivalent connotation notwithstanding, most political pundits agreed that Nigeria’s generic problem emanated from the 1979 Federal Constitution which in the view of sound legal minds, is not a true reflection of the wishes and aspirations of the people. The advocacy of a home- grown constitution has been long in coming. This group of restructuring advocates and asserts that a reversal to the 1963 constitution and its regional structure would be a panacea. Activists of this variety anchor their argument on the need to give power to the regions as it was the case during the parliamentary system.
Some minority rights advocates push for restructuring in terms of creating more states to give each ethnic group a sense of belonging. This category of advocates decry the skewed structural federalism, which is inimical to their aspirations and their ascendancy to positions of trust at the national level. For people in the Middle-Belt, restructuring might mean freedom from the Hausa-Fulani hegemony. The area is populated by the Tivs, Idomas, Jukuns and other tribes, but because of the frequent clashes and struggle for power and land for farming and grazing, the federally controlled Hausa-Fulani government has dominated and subdued the aborigines of the middle-belt. For them, restructuring would imply freedom from Fulani domination.
For the Igbo ethnic group, restructuring as defined by some agitators is outright separatism from the geo-political entity – Nigeria. However, the Igbo intelligentsia re-calibrate restructuring to mean having a fair share of power in the arithmetic of power sharing. The Igbos seek the presidency- the highest office in the land. It is only against this background that we can understand the activities of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra, IPOB, and the centrifugal forces of pull and tear harassing the South-East.
In the Niger Delta Region, restructuring is a vociferous demand for resource ownership and control on one hand and fiscal federalism on the other. The dominant argument is that in a federalism, states should be given the right to own, control and enjoy their resources.
This advocacy was the motivating force of the “Kaiama Declaration” of December eleventh,  1998. Similarly,  the militant agitations in the oil -rich region culminated in the establishment of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), the Ministry of Niger Delta and the pacification of the agitators which found expression in the Presidential Amnesty Programme. Whichever way restructuring is understood, the concept is nebulous hence,  analysts cannot pin it down to one pragmatic action point. The existence of several ideological permutations makes restructuring difficult to embrace by a critical segment of Nigerians.
Whereas, balancing the political equation is a major problem, most Nigerians see the country as a dichotomy between the north and the south. Others believe that power sharing should be done along the lines of the six geo political zones while others hold that power should be rotated among the major ethnic groups. This thinking has rendered restructuring to mean a mere good intention.
Ethnic chauvinism and religious dichotomy also fuel divisive tendencies. This is the more reason the concept of restructuring is viewed as a way of dividing the nation. In the view of some vested interests, Nigeria should remain as one big and strong indivisible entity to project the interest of continental Africa. Put together, restructuring will remain a distant dream.
However, objective analysts tenaciously hold the notion that restructuring should start with developing a homegrown constitution, which is the grundnorm upon which any structural reforms will be predicated. The truism is that if the constitution is the basic document of the land, it implies that every structural change should be predicated on it. Then all Nigeria’s socio- cultural, political and economic challenges may be accommodated.
If a nation like Nigeria so stupendously endowed, parades bad statistics in all sectors, then restructuring may be a panacea. This has even become an emergency if Nigerians must live together as a people belonging to one corporate, indivisible entity.
Our leaders can take the bull by the horns by initiating the process of restructuring the Nigerian state. Our political economy has floundered from limping hope to utter despair and there is consensus among the intelligentsia that restructuring is the “silver bullet” that can assuage the fears of Nigerians and it will amount to grave injustice if we postpone the fundamental solutions to our national malaise.
The IPOB movement appears to have gathered momentum like an ideology. With the detention of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu  even the November 2021 Governorship election in Anambra, which was conducted peacefully, instilled palpable fear in the electorate.  Now, the earlier permutation of Igbo Presidency seems to be evaporating like the morning cloud, even though credible people like Senator Pius Anyim and  Peter Obi may be ready to run.
With insecurity and banditry menacing the peaceful co-existence of the nation, the allure of restructuring as a structural panacea for national stability has become a compelling argument. The popular view of opinion leaders in Southern  Nigeria is that Nigeria is ripe for restructuring and failure  to do so will imperil the corporate existence of the nation.  How this position will play out will determine the collective stability of Nigeria.

By: John Idumange

Dr. Idumange is a public intellectual.

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Opinion

Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance 

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Quote:”But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged”.

The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.

The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.

For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.

President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.

The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.

Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.

The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.

But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.

It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.

Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.

The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.

Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.

Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.

Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.

Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.

Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.

“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.

The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.

As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.

The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.

By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator

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Opinion

Checking Herdsmen Rampage

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Quote:”
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
According to reports,   suspected Fulani herdsmen on June 25, 2025 invaded Ueken, the ancestral home of the Tai Kingdom, in the Ogoni Ethnic Nationality of Rivers State and murdered one  Goodluck Dimkpa, a father of one. The attack has reportedly caused panic and led to residents fleeing the community. It also generated coordinated protests from aggrieved Ogoni youths.
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and  strongly condemned the  invasion  by suspected Fulani herdsmen.

In his denunciation,  MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”

He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.

On June 13-14, 2025, about 200 adults and children were reported to have been gruesomely murdered and burnt in Yelewata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, by suspected herdsmen who stormed the community, attacked the innocent people, and wreaked  havoc described as one the deadliest attacks in the Middle Belt of Nigeria, in recent times.Two days before the Yelewata senseless massacre, precisely on June 11, 2025, about 25 people were killed in Makurdi still by people suspected to be Fulani herdsmen.
Plateau State, Southern Kaduna and other Middle Belt States have their own tales of woe from the unprovoked attacks by the Fulani herdsmen leading to loss of lives and properties.
Some upland Local Government Areas  of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.

In my considered view the Fulani herdsmen whom life means nothing to, have gone too far. The right to life and property are fundamental but the  herdsmen’s invasions violate such inalienable rights of the people.Already Nigeria seems to exist on a precipice with the majority of her about 200 million people groaning in the quagmire of unpopular economic policies, reprehensible democratic practices translating to a gale of decampment to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) which is a tell-tale sign of an imminent one party State, looting of public funds with impunity and barefaced corruption in all sectors of the nation.
Nigerians, therefore, cannot afford to live with the debilitating consequences that the activities of the Fulani herdsmen portend in the face of the trending precarious socio-political and economic challenges. In fact, in all the States like Benue, Borno, Plateau, where incessant herdsmen attacks are frequent, residents live in petrified fear because of the disregard and disrespect for the sanctity of human lives. This fear leads to gross lack of development.
The governors of those States though Chief security officers, seem to be incapacitated, to carry out the primary responsibility of protection of lives and property of their citizens as enshrined in the grand norm. The mayhem caused by herdsmen in many states of Nigeria has left indelible pains in some families and communities, sufficient enough to make the government to control the activities of the herdsmen.
Some of these men who claim to ply their occupation are seen carrying lethal weapons. Which law in Nigeria gives people right to illegally possess weapons? How could the herders publicly carry lethal weapons without security operatives’ arresting and questioning them? The Fulani herdsmen, it’s not out of place to say,  are above the law. Because of their possession of weapons, the herdsmen are licensed to destroy lives, property and crops-the source of livelihood of others, thereby increasing food insecurity, poverty, hunger,  hostility and lack of development.
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land? Such nonsense must be made to stop, no matter whose ox is gored. Security operatives should be proactive to check  attempts of Fulani herdsmen to breach the peace. They should arrest and prosecute culprits because Fulani herdsmen who perpetrate  the heinous  acts have always been allowed to go  non reprimanded.
There is need to enhance vigilance and community coordination while residents should be alert,  take necessary precautions and work with traditional rulers, chiefs, youth leaders and local vigilante to stem the ugly trend.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?

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As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.

Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.

In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.

This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years.  Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.

Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.

All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.

Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.

Ehebha  God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.

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