Focus
The Naira Redesign , Swap Hullabaloo: Why I Think The Supreme Court Of Nigeria Lacks Original Jurisdiction
For the avoidance of doubts, this commentary is strictly a LEGAL OPINION having nothing whatsoever to do with the activities of Nigerian politicians and their supporters and acolytes even as the 2023 general elections are just a fortnight away from today. I have earlier offered my humble, disinterested opinion on the Naira Redesign and Daily Cash Withdrawal Limit policies of the Central Bank of Nigeria. See: “Re: “Give Me 7 Days To Resolve Cash Crunch, President Muhammadu Buhari Begs Nigerians” by Sylvester Udemezue (4 February 2024, ThenigeriaLawyer)
Issues relating to whether or not a court of law has jurisdiction are fundamental and lack of jurisdiction is fatal. See OTUKPO v. JOHN (2000) 8 NWLR (669) 507; BRONIK MOTORS v. WEMA BANK (1983)6 S.C. 158; see also OMOKHAFE v. Military Administrator (2005) 2 MJSC 173. In the Supreme Court case of MADUKOLU v. NKEMDILIM (1962) 1 ALL NLR 589, the Supreme Court provided the following guide for determining whether a court has jurisdiction. Hon Justice Vahe Bairamian (FJ) while delivering the lead judgment in that case stated as follows: “Put briefly, a court is competent when: (1) the court is properly constituted as regards numbers and qualifications of the members of the bench, and no member is disqualified for one reason or another; and (2) the subject matter of the case is within its jurisdiction, and there is no feature in the case which prevents the court from exercising its jurisdiction: and (3) the case comes before the court initiated by due process of law, and upon fulfilment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction. Any defect in competence is fatal, for the proceedings are a nullity however well conducted and decided: the defect is extrinsic to the adjudication.”
Now, in October 2022, the Central Bank of Nigeria rolled out the Naira Redesign and Daily Cash Withdrawal Limit policies, announcing 31 January 2023 as the deadline for use of old Naira Notes (N1,000, N500, and N200 notes) in Nigeria. The deadline was however later extended to 10 February 2023. Meanwhile, Kaduna, Zamfara, and Kogi States filed a case at the Supreme Court of Nigeria, against the Attorney-General of the Federation, challenging the polices and asking the Supreme Court to restrain the federal government from enforcing the 10 February 2023 deadline on Naira swap. The Supreme Court has granted an ex parte order directing that the new naira notes and the old ones should continue to coexist until 15 February 2023 when the Motion on Notice in the case would be heard. My worry is, does the Supreme Court of Nigeria have jurisdiction in this matter? I respectfully answer the question in the negative, with due respect, for the following reasons:
The Naira Redesign and Daily Cash Withdrawal Limit policies are policies of the Central Bank of Nigeria. Only the Federal High Court has jurisdiction in disputes arising from or related to Central Bank policies and anything having to do with the Naira as the Legal Tender in Nigeria. *Section 251(1)(d)* Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 provides: “Notwithstanding anything to the contained in this Constitution and in addition to such other jurisdiction as may be conferred upon it by an Act of the National Assembly, the Federal High Court shall have and exercise jurisdiction to the exclusion of any other court in civil causes and matters — connected with or pertaining to banking, banks, other financial institutions, including any action between one bank and another, any action by or against the Central Bank of Nigeria arising from banking, foreign exchange, coinage, *LEGAL TENDER* , bills of exchange, letters of credit, promissory notes and other fiscal measures…”. Thus, it is submitted that the proper court to have filed the case is the Federal High Court and not the Supreme Court. Besides, it’s submitted, the proper party to sue is the CBN and the proper court to file the case is the Federal High Court.
Section 232 (1)(a) of the Constitution, 1999, provides that “The Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of any other Court, have original jurisdiction in any dispute between the Federation and a State or between States if and in so far as that dispute involves any question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends.” In line with this section, there must be a live dispute between the Federation and a State or between two States, before the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court can be activated. It’s submitted that in the present scenario, there is no dispute between the Federation and any of Kaduna/Zamfara/Kogi States over the Naira Redesign and Daily Cash Withdrawal Limit policies. These policies are policies of the Central Bank; the Supreme Court in its original jurisdiction has no business with the case. And if any State in Nigeria has any problems with the deadline fixed by the CBN, the state is free to drag the CBN before the Federal High Court. After all, the CBN is not immune from Civil actions; section 1(2) of the CBN Act provides that the CBN may sue or be sued. In my opinion, one major problem is that it appears some people are used to confusing the term FEDERATION with FEDERAL GOVERNMENT or the office of the President. In AG KANO V. AG FEDERATION (2007) 3 SC (PT 1) the Supreme Court explained that ‘The word “Federation” in section 232 of the 1999 Constitution bears the same meaning as “Federal Republic of Nigeria” or “Federation of Nigeria”. The plaintiff’s claim did not accuse the Federation of Nigeria or the Federal Republic of Nigeria of taking any action against the Hisbah Law of Kano State or the operation of the Hisbah Corps in Kano State or of arresting and detaining commanders of the Hisbah Corps in Kano State. There was no dispute between Kano State in its status as a component unit of the Federation and the unit of the Federation itself’. Per Mohammed, JSC at 38
With due respect to the AG’s of Kaduna State, et al, the Attorney-General of the Federation is the proper Defendant or plaintiff only in suits against or by the Federation; a quarrel over the action of the CBN in respect of the LEGAL TENDER does not qualify as or translate to a *dispute between a state and the Federation* as provided for in *section 232(1) of the Constitution,* to justify the filing of the case at the Supreme Court. In the same A.G. Kano State v A.G. Federation (supra), the Attorney-General of Kano State had dragged the AG of the Federation to the Supreme Court over an action taken by the Inspector-General of Police, and Mahmud Mohammed, JSC (as he then was) held, while dealing with the … provisions of Section 232(1) in the lead judgment that: “Any complaints against the Government of the Federation or any person who exercises power or authority on its behalf like the Inspector-General of Police as asserted by the learned senior for the plaintiff in his address before this Court, are completely outside the jurisdiction of this Court.” Continuing, the apex court said: “The statement of claim disclosed a dispute between the Government of Kano State and its agencies and the Government of the Federation through the Inspector-General of Police and Minister of Information, exercising their power or authority on behalf of the government of the Federation. The venue for settlement of such disputes (i.e. against Inspector-General of Police and Minister of Information), was in the various courts of first instance whose jurisdictions were clearly outlined in the same 1999 Constitution – and not the Supreme Court”. Per Mohammed, JSC at 38.
Also, in the case of *BHS INTL LTD v. AG LAGOS & ORS* (2016) LPELR-40084, the Court discussed (set out) the Conditions that must exist before the ORIGINAL JURISDICTION of the Supreme Court can be invoked. The Court States:
“Section 232 (1) of the Constitution are concisely and precisely in the following terms: “The Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of any other Court, have original jurisdiction in any dispute between the Federation and a State or between States if and in so far as that dispute involves any question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends.” I must state that these provisions, in addition to being concise and precise, are plain, clear and unambiguous in words, context and purport. That is the verdict of the apex Court, per Onnoghen, JSC in the lead judgment in the case of A.G. Abia State v. A.G. Federation (supra) also reported in (2007) 2 SC, 146, when he stated that: “The provisions of Section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution, which confers original jurisdiction on this Court, is very clear and unambiguous. It is clear from the above that for the original jurisdiction of this Court to be invoked in a civil action; (a) the action must be between the Federation and the State(s) or between States, and there must be a dispute between the Federation and a State or States; (b) the dispute must involve a question of law or fact or both; and (c) the dispute must pertain to the existence or extent of a legal right.” The erudity and proficient Lawlord did not stop there, but defined what a “dispute” is in the context of the provisions when he said: “It has been held by this Court vide Belgore, JSC (as he then was) in A.G. of the Federation v A.G. of Abia State (2001) 11 NWLR (PT.725) 689 at 737, inter alia, that the term dispute as used in Section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution”…, involves acts of argument, controversy, debate, claims as to rights whether in law or facts, verying opinion, whether passive or violent of any disagreement that can lead to public anxiety or disquiet” Then in the case of A.G. Kano State v A.G. Federation (2007) 3 SC (PT 1) 59, Mahmud Mohammed, JSC (as he then was) had held, while dealing with the same provisions of Section 232(1) in the lead judgment that:”Any complaints against the Government of the Federation or any person who exercises power or authority on its behalf like the Inspector-General of Police as asserted by the learned senior for the plaintiff in his address before this Court, are completely outside the jurisdiction of this Court.”His lordship had expatiated the above position when he said; “However, quite contrary to the requirements of Sections 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution, the dispute disclosed in the plaintiff’s statement of claim is a dispute between the Government of Kano State and its agencies and the Government of the Federal and its agencies, particularly the police and the Federal Ministry of Information through the Inspector General of Police and the Minister of Information in their capacities as persons exercising power or authority on behalf of the Government of the Federation …. certainly if the plaintiff has any dispute with the Inspector General of Police and the Minister of Information for their respective roles in the various declarations they made on the Hisbah Laws, the operation of the Hisbah Corps and the arrest and detention of the officials of the Hisbah Corps, the propervenue for the settlement of such dispute does not lie in invoking the original jurisdiction of this Court. The venue for the settlement of such dispute lies elsewhere in various Courts of first instance whose original jurisdictions are clearly outlined in the same 1999 Constitution.” The clear principle laid down in the above authorities is that the original jurisdiction of the apex Court under Section 232(1) cannot be invoked over a dispute in respect of the acts or performance of the duties of the Federal Govt through or by its agencies, which are legal entities that can sue or be sued, since they are not the Federation or a State in the Federation.” Per MOHAMMED LAWAL GARBA, JCA (Pp 27 – 30 Paras B – D).
Another question is whether the ex parte order made by the Supreme Court of Nigeria is binding on the Central Bank of Nigeria or on any of the Commercial Banks in Nigeria in view of the fact that neither the Central Bank nor the Commercial Banks are a party to the case at the Supreme Court?
It is a settled principle of law that an order of court binds only parties to the case before the court. It’s a principle of joinder of parties. Thus, if a person is not joined that person is deemed to not be a party to the case and is therefore not bound by any order made in the case or the outcome of the case. See *BABATOLA V ALADEJANA (2001) 6 SC 124. Section 1(3) or the Central Bank Act, 2007 provides that the Central Bank of Nigeria _”is an independent body in the discharge of its functions”. Further,
Section 17 of the CBN Act provides that “The Bank shall have the sole right of issuing currency notes and coins throughout Nigeria and neither the Federal Government nor any State Government, Local Government other person or authority shall issue currency notes, bank notes or coins or any documents or token payable to bearer on demand being document or token which are likely to pass as legal tender”. Section 19(1) (b) provides that “The currency notes and coins issued by the Bank shall be of such forms and designs and bear such devices as shall be approved by the President on the recommendation of the Board”. Section 20(1) of the CBN Act provides that “The currency notes issued by the Bank shall be the legal tender in Nigeria at their face value for the payment of any amount”. Section 20(3) of the CBN Act provides that “….the bank shall have power, if so directed by the President and after giving reasonable notice in that behalf, to call in any of its notes or coins on payment of the face value thereof and any note or coins with respect to which a notice has been given under this subsection shall, on the expiration of the notice, cease to be the legal tender, but subject to section 22 of this Act, shall be redeemed by the Bank upon demand”. From the above it appears that the CBN has the responsibility and power to issue a legal tender for Nigeria and to redesign any denomination of the legal tender. Also, fixing of deadline for cessation of validity of the old Naira notes are issues falling within the sole powers of the CBN under the President’s directive pursuant to Sections 19(1)(b) and 20(3) of the CBN Act. Accordingly, I am surprised that anyone who has a complaint or grievance in respect of either the redesign of the legal tender by the CBN could commence such a case at the Supreme Court. Section 25(1)(d) of the Constitution doesn’t mince words that every dispute arising from or related to the Legal Tender, including naira redesign and phasing out, must be commenced at the Federal High Court. Besides, the CBN is a necessary party to such a suit. Further, the declaration of the Supreme Court in AG KANO V AG FEDERATION (supra) leaves no one in doubt: the Hon AGF has no business whatsoever with the suit. And to this end, two major suggestions are made:
While the CBN is a necessary party to the suit, actions cannot be commenced or maintained against the CBN at the Supreme Court of Nigeria in its original jurisdiction. Perhaps, this is why the Plaintiffs carefully avoided joining the CBN, an essential party to the suit. But then in leaving the CBN out, the Plaintiffs still fell into a grave error of dragging to the supreme court, a suit legally suitable for only the Federal High Court. In AG Kano v AG FEDERATION (supra), the Supreme Court clarified that “The relief claimed by the plaintiff was against the Inspector-General of Police who was not subject to the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. The jurisdiction of that Court could not be invoked in the absence of a justiciable dispute between the parties and where the defendant was not the Federal Republic of Nigeria”. Per Mohammed, JSC at 38. A combined reading of sections 17 to 20 of the CBN Act appears to suggest that the job of Naira Redesign, and fixing a deadline when old Naira notes would cease to be legal tender, is the business of the CBN, even if the deadline is fixed BY THE CBN under a directive of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. CBN is accordingly a necessary party to any dispute arising from any such issues.
Aside from the CBN which is an essential party to the suit, the only other person who may be properly joined to the suit is the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, considering his role as set out in section 20(3) of the CBN Act (supra). Luckily, the office of the president is a Corporation Sole capable of suing and being sued in its official capacity in a Court of law, subject to section 308 of the Constitution. Section 308(2) provides: “The provisions of subsection (1) of this section shall not apply to civil proceedings against a person to whom this section applies in his official capacity or to civil or criminal proceedings in which such a person is only a nominal party”.
There appears to be no provision in any extant law in Nigeria authorising or permitting any State in Nigeria to commence any action against the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria at the Supreme Court. Actions against the office of the president may only be commenced at the Supreme Court by the National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by virtue of section 1 of the Supreme Court (Additional Original Jurisdiction) Act, 2002, made pursuant to the Constitution, which creates three additional instances in which an action may be commenced at the Supreme Court in its original jurisdiction: (i) dispute between the National Assembly and the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; (ii) dispute between the National Assembly and a State; and (iii) dispute between the National Assembly and a State House of Assembly in Nigeria. In view of the aforesaid, the only forum at which an action may be maintained against the President of Nigeria in his official capacity is at the Federal High Court, the NICN or a State High Court, dependent on the circumstances. Thus, with regard to the present scenario, if Kaduna State et al have any grievance against Mr President in respect of his role in CBN’s redesignation or swap of the legal tender (the naira), the proper forum is the Federal High Court and not the Supreme Court. Interestingly, in their bid to institute the case at the Supreme Court, the plaintiffs (Kaduna, Zamfara and Kogi States) carefully excluded the President and instead went for the Hon AGF. Unfortunately for them, while a state is entitled to invoke the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court against the AGF, there is a mandatory condition precedent to a State dragging the Hon AGF before the Supreme Court: there must be a live dispute between the affected State and the Federation. In my opinion, if any dispute or grievance exists at all in the present scenario, it is an alleged grievance by Kaduna, Zamfara and Kogi States against the CBN in respect of the latter’s Redesign of the legal tender (pursuant to Section 19(1)(b) CBN Act) or in respect of the CBN fixing of a deadline (February 10, 2023) beyond which the old Naira notes would cease to be legal tender (pursuant to Section 20(3) CBN Act).
It appears that from whatever standpoint one looks at this matter, one would hardly deny that the current scenario revolves around Naira as Nigeria’s legal tender; thus any dispute arising therefrom is fitting but only for the Federal High Court pursuant to Section 251(1)(d) of the Constitution. Happily, Kaduna, Zamfara and Kogi States have the opportunity of validly maintaining an action against the principal actor in this scenario (the Central Bank of Nigeria), and (even if the Plaintiffs decide to join him) the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, at the Federal High Court, for purposes of ventilating their grievances, whatever their grievances are. In other words, it’s not as if the Plaintiffs in this scenario were/are legally hamstrung or otherwise frustrated regarding finding the appropriate forum for ventilating their grievances. It is just that, as it appears, they chose to avoid the Federal High Court which is the court with exclusive original jurisdiction by virtue of section 251(1)(d) of the Constitution, and also completely left out the CBN which is the principal actor in this scenario looking at sections 17, 18, 19 and 20 of the CBN Act.
One more interesting thing to note, especially with respect to the present scenario is that the plaintiffs appear to have completely also forgotten that section 251(1) of the Constitution is superior to any and all other provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria even in the case of conflict (save where the constitution itself otherwise expressly provides). Section 251(1)(d) of the Constitution begins with the expression _*”Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in this Constitution….”*_ thus asserting its superiority over all other sections of the Constitution in respect of any dispute regarding or arising from anything revolving around the Naira as Nigeria’s legal tender. Finally, the plaintiffs completely forgot the legal implications of failure to join the necessary parties to a civil action such as this one.
Now, a respected learned friend has suggested that “… federal government is giving directives every now and then on this naira issue. With that, it cannot be limited to s. 251 alone anymore. The three states are in order for maintaining an action against the conduit or remote behind Emefiele”. My humble response to this view is that the Inspector-General of Police, the Chief of Defence Staff, the Chief Of Army Staff, the Chief of Naval Staff, the Nigerian Immigration, the Civil Defense Corps, the NYSC and countless other institutions are Federal agencies and institutions who/which from time to time, in the course of performance of their constitutional/lawful duties and responsibilities, also take “directives’ from the President. In 2017, the Nigerian Army on the directives of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria launched Operation Python Dance in Southeast Nigeria; Operation Crocodile Smiles in South-south and Southwest. Recently, the Nigerian Military launched “Exercise Still Water” in Lagos pursuant to which the soldiers have been raiding notorious spots in Lagos with a view to routing out hoodlums and other social miscreants. See: *”Army Arrests 116 Suspects In Ongoing Lagos Operation”* (Daily Post; 31 January 2023). Now, is my learned friend saying that, say with respect to the last example (Exercise Still Water), if Lagos State feels aggrieved by the action taken by any of the military (in arresting these suspected miscreants) pursuant to Operating Exercise Still Water, the Lagos State, instead of dragging the Nigerian Military before the Federal High Court, would be legally right to sue the Attorney-General at the Supreme Court over the activities of the Nigerian Military during Exercise Still Water? In view of the supreme court decision in AG KANO V AG FEDERATION (supra), would the Nigerian Supreme Court have jurisdiction in such a matter? If we agree that the Nigerian Supreme Court wouldn’t have jurisdiction thereon, how does my learned friend think that the apex court could have jurisdiction over a dispute arising from actions of the CBN pursuant to its powers under the CBN Act, simply because the law says CBN should act under the President’s directive in some cases? Recall the facts of AG KANO V AG FEDERATION (supra): *Kano State Attorney-General had dragged the Federation (through the Hon AGF) to the Supreme Court over Kano State’s displeasure with an action taken by the Inspector-General of Police in Kano State Hisbah Corps and the Supreme held it had NO ORIGINAL jurisdiction in the matter.* Now, if as rightly held by the Supreme Court, a State cannot sue the AGF/the Federation at the Supreme Court over the actions of the NIGERIAN military or Police (even if these institutions in taking such actions, acted on the President’s directive), how would anyone suggest that a State could sue the Federation (through the Hon AGF) at the Supreme Court in respect of an action taken by the CBN, an institution expressly declared by the CBN Act to be an independent institution? And who tells my learned friend that the jurisdiction the Supreme Court lacks in this case could be donated to it by Kaduna State et al pretending to sue the Federation (through the Attorney-General of the Federation) over a matter in which the Hon AGF is not legally a proper party? And finally, to think of the present scenario which revolves wholly around the legal tender in respect of which section 251(1) (d) has expressly said that only the Federal High Court could have jurisdiction to the exclusion of all other courts in Nigeria, two important questions immediately arise here:)
(A). Can a State in Nigeria maintain a civil action against the CBN at the Federal High Court over the Naira Redesign, Daily Cash Withdrawal Limit or in respect of the deadline set by the CBN for old Naira notes to cease to be legal tender? Answer is yes. See s. 251(1)(d).
(B). Can a State maintain a civil action at the Federal High Court against the President of Nigeria in his official capacity over the deadline set by the CBN pursuant to the President’s directive in line with section 20(2) of the CBN Act? Answer is yes, from all I’ve explained with relevant legal authorities, above.
One then wonders why the plaintiffs proceeded to a court without jurisdiction as against the Court that has jurisdiction and which even affords the plaintiffs the opportunity of joining all necessary parties [(1) the CBN, and probably (2) the President] so that the matter and all issues surrounding it could be exhaustively and justly determined with finality? This is a question for the plaintiffs to answer.
CONCLUSION
Without prejudice to whatever their Lordships of the Supreme Court may choose to decide in the present case, (because their decision is supreme/final), I respectfully submit, based on the above provisions, explanations and the reasons I have given, that the Supreme Court of Nigeria does not have ORIGINAL jurisdiction to hear or entertain the suits filed at the Supreme Court by Kaduna, Zamfara, Kogi and any other State or States over the Naira Redesign and Daily Cash Withdrawal Limit policies recently announced by the CBN or in respect of the deadline of 10 February set by the Central Bank of Nigeria pursuant to Section 20(3) of the CBN Act, 2007 for old Naira notes to cease to be legal tender in Nigeria. It’s respectfully further submitted that except where otherwise expressly stated in the Constitution, section 251(1)(d) (which confers exclusive jurisdiction on the Federal High Court in all and any matters relating to the Naira as the Legal Tender of Nigeria) is superior to all other sections of the Constitution, including section 232 which provides for the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, although there appears to be no conflict between section 251(1)(d) and section 232 of the Constitution.
Well, for the avoidance of doubts, I repeat that mine is a mere opinion, respectfully and disinterestedly offered, without prejudice to the wisdom of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, which has the final say in this matter. The Supreme Court is a court of law, possessing appellate, original and supervisory jurisdictions. It has also been described as a court of policy. I respect their Lordships; and we are bound by their decisions. The ball is now in their lordships’ court, to do justice to this scenario case, according to law. I hope and pray that the apex Court would live up to the reasonable expectations of all right-thinking members of the watching public. While we await the decision of the Court on this matter, it is important to respectfully urge all parties and stakeholders, including the CBN, to endeavour to respect the rule of law and due process by conducting themselves responsibly and honorably pending the decision of the Supreme Court one way or the other. To this end, I humbly recall the following cases and declarations:
(1) In WHYTE V KWANDE (APPEAL NO.CA/PH/161/99), a judgment delivered on January 4, 2007 by the Court of Appeal, Port-Harcourt division, His Lordship, IBRAHIM MOHAMMED MUSA SAULAWA, JCA said: “I should have thought that fairness, even handedness and above all respect for rule of law would characterize the behaviour and standards of such men who found themselves in public offices”
(2). In AMAECHI V. INEC & 2 ors (2008) 1 SCNJ 1; (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080) 227, the Supreme Court of Nigeria (per PIUS OLAYIWOLA ADEREMI, JSC) in clear terms voiced its anger against lawlessness of any kind:
“The decision to substitute Celestine Omehia for Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi by the 3rd Respondent (P.D.P) during the period of pending gubernatorial election represents a display of very grave display of political rascality and an irresponsible and wanton disrespect for rule of law. No responsible person or group of persons who parade themselves as having respect for rule of law and due process, can be credited with such a dastardly act. The 1st Respondent, by acceding to the request of the 3rd Respondent for the substitution, has painted a picture of itself as a spineless body whose pre-occupation is dissemination of injustice. It (1st Respondent) has forgotten or it has thrown into the winds the position carved for it by the Constitution of the land -An unbiased umpire. Finally, on this point, I wish to say that in all countries of the world which operate under the rule of law, politics are always adapted to the laws of the land and not the laws to politics. Let our political operators allow this time-honoured principle to sink well into their heads and hearts.”
(3). In MILITARY GOVERNOR OF LAGOS STATE VS. OJUKWU (2001) FWLR (Part 50) 1779 at 1802 & 1799, the Supreme court stressed that “the Nigerian Constitution is founded on the rule of law, the primary meaning of which is that everything must be done according to law. Nigeria, being one of the countries in the world which profess loudly to follow the rule of law, there is no room for the rule of self help by force to operate.”
May God help Nigeria!
Respectfully,
Udemezue, is a Lagos based Legal Practitioner j
Focus
Differentiation And Learning Strategies As Tool For Desired Learning Outcome
What is differentiation? Differentiation refers to the learning experiences in which the approach or method of learning is adjusted to meet the needs of individual learners with a focus on the how of personalised learning.” (Culottes, R. 2016). It is a process that helps learners who are struggling and help gifted learners learn faster, this way, teaching becomes easier for the teacher and makes it easier to achieve the desired learning outcome. In differentiation, the learning objective is the same but the means through which it is achieved may be varied. It is like having a destination and arriving there through various means, by road, rail, water or air. It is one of the three elements of individualised learning which involves changing the instructional approach so as to meet the various needs of students.
Differentiation could also entail designing and delivering instruction by using different teaching styles and also giving the learners various alternatives for taking information. It provides flexibility to both the teacher and the learner but the learning objectives must be clearly defined to enable learners work their way towards achieving it. We should not mix up differentiation with learning styles. Learning style presumes that a learner learns better in a certain way, be it visual, auditory, or hands on. Although a learner might find a particular learning style useful for a particular topic, it does not mean that the particular learning style will apply to all other topics, for instance, if a learner learns a topic through songs, it does not mean that the same learner will learn every other topic through songs. Learning is not always as straight forward.
How a teacher can use differentiation in the classroom.
When practising differentiation in the classroom, a teacher can teach a particular topic using various teaching techniques that meet the needs and interests of the learners, a teacher can decide to put learners in groups based on their ability or interest and at the same time has to vary the content of the lesson to meet the needs of the learners. In differentiation, the teacher considers the learner’s personalised learning style and ability when the lesson is being taught. According to Carol Tomlinson, differentiation can be done through the following:
Content: Here differentiation can occur in the learning activities which have to meet the interest and need of the learner. Bloom’ s taxonomy levels of remembering, understanding, applying, analysing, evaluating and creating, which involves different levels of intellectual behaviour from lower to higher level thinking come into play. The teacher applies these in planning the lesson so that various interests and learning styles are taken into consideration. Bearing in mind the objective of the lesson, the teacher then provides the learners with options on the content and together they study to achieve the set objective.
Process: These are methods which a teacher employs in presenting learning materials to keep the learner’s interest. Learners may need different levels of support, some work better on their own while others prefer to work in pairs or in small groups. Grouping can be done depending on the learner’s readiness or as a way of complementing each other. Support can also be given to learners depending on their individual learning styles and so the teacher has to prepare a lesson plan that caters for visual, auditory, kinesthetic or those who learn through words.
Product: At the end of the lesson, the learner shows mastery of the lesson by the product the learner creates. It can be in form of a song, quizzes, tests, a story, an art project or any other activities the teacher may deem fit. All these are to assess how the learner has mastered the concept.
Learning environment: The classroom environment affects learning and so the physical and psychological conditions of the learning environment have to be right such as the furniture, classroom arrangement and classroom management. The learning environment has to be safe, conducive and supporting in order to sustain the interest of the learners. Learning environment can also involve changes to habits and routines such as recess time, circle time, lunch time or outdoor learning.
What are the Importance of Differentiation in Learning?
Differentiation is important in the classroom because it caters for all types of learners, whether high ability learners or additional needs learners. It gives learners the opportunity to learn in diverse ways so as to meet learning objectives the best way they can. Differentiation helps instructors to connect with the different learning styles depending on which works best for the learners. All learners may not respond well with a game, a song may work better for others or reading for others.
Differentiation is a great learning instruction for learners with additional needs.
Differentiation provides a platform for learners to strive to achieve set learning objectives.
Differentiation motivates learners to learn in a manner that meets their interest and personalised learning style. We know that all learners do not learn the same way and so the teacher has to employ various learning styles to know which best resonates with the learners. What Experts say about Differentiation in Learning? According to Carol Tomlinson, differentiation is a way of honoring the reality of the learners. They maybe energetic, outgoing, quiet, shy, confident or self-doubting, they could be interested in a particular thing or in a thousand things, could be academically advanced or struggling with cognitive, sociological, economic or emotional challenges. Many speak a different language at home and learn at different rates and styles and they all come together in our academically diverse classrooms. Carol Ann Tomlinson (William Clay Parrish, Jr. Professor and Chair of Educational leadership, Foundations, and Policy).
Differentiating instruction is really a way of thinking, not a list of strategies. Many times, it is making decisions in the moment based on this mindset. It is recognising that “fair” does not always mean treating everyone equally. It is recognising that all of our students bring different gifts and challenges, and that as educators, we need to recognise those differences and use our professional judgment to flexibly respond to them in our teaching.” Larry Ferlazzo (award-winning teacher at Luther Burbank High School in Sacramento, California, who writes a teacher advice column for Education Week.
Another expert, Lisa Westman posits that all teachers want their students to succeed, and all teachers try to make this happen, that is all differentiation is. She writes that we complicate differentiation by not allowing ourselves to be provisional with how we apply the foundational pieces of differentiated instruction. Instead if we address these four questions in our instructional planning, differentiation will always be the result: what do my students need? How do I know? What will I do to meet their needs? How do I know if what I am doing is working? Lisa Westman (instruction coaching, differentiation, and standards-based grading consultant and professional development facilitator). “Differentiated instruction is dynamic and organic. In a differentiated learning space, teachers and students learn together. Students focus on learning the course content, while teachers tailor their instructional strategies to student learning styles.” Alexa Epitropoulous (media and author relations specialist at ASCD). How to apply Differentiation in Learning. To apply differentiation effectively, the teacher has to do the following:
i.Do a baseline test for all students in order to find out where they are and to device strategies to help each learner achieve the desired objective using appropriate means to deliver the content.
ii.Explain the learning objectives clearly and what the standard for success is, this is the key for differentiation to thrive, a classroom environment where learners work towards a clearly defined goal. Here, the need of the student is very important and the teacher has to identify them and create a supportive environment where differentiation is accepted by the learners themselves and for their peers.
iii. Know the individualised needs of their learners in order for teaching to be effective so that cognitive as well as academic outcomes can be achieved.
What is a learning strategy? A learning strategy is a way a learner organizes and uses certain skills to learn the content of the curriculum and to complete tasks effectively be it in the classroom or outside the classroom. Learners depend upon their senses to process information and many learners make use of one of their senses more than others. There are basically four types of learning strategies and they are as follows:
1. Visual strategies: here learners learn and retain knowledge better when the content is presented in the form of pictures for example, charts, diagrams and symbols. To apply this strategy in a classroom environment, the teacher needs to do the following: Make use of a lot of; colourful visual aids like charts, pictures and diagrams which must be well explained. Use different handouts for various concepts and leave spaces in them so learners can write in them. If using multimedia, screens have to show clearly.
2. Auditory strategies: this involves creating learning experiences where talking and listening take centre stage. These instructional methods can be employed in the following ways: Start a new topic with a background information of the concept to be learnt. Use activities like story-telling and group discussions to encourage vocal collaboration. Learners are encouraged to read aloud the questions. Conclude by giving a summary of the lesson
3. Reading and Writing: this makes use of the traditional ways of learning such as copying of notes, reading textbooks or handouts and taking notes. They seem to learn better by doing the following in the classroom: Provide written information on worksheets and other resources. Students are to rewrite notes. Convert charts and diagrams into written text. If using multimedia, use bullet points. Learn to reference written texts.
4. Kinesthetic strategies: this is also called tactile learning since it has to do with the sense of touch. This is the most physical of the learning strategies because kinesthetic learners learn best through instructional methods that involve movement, motion and touch. These learners are able to sense body position and movement in the classroom environment. Tactile learning is achieved through activities like moving, touching and feeling things. Below are some of the strategies to use: Engage learners in physical movement such as dance. Make use of flash cards when teaching. Students are to draw images of information as part of formative assessment. Provide learners with hand-on experiences. There is no single learning strategy that works for all learners because it’s not a one size fits all, as such it will be impossible to devise a generalized strategy that works for the whole class. The teacher has to apply the different learning strategies in a classroom learning environment so as to meet the needs and interests of the learners because a blend of these strategies will most likely produce the desired learning outcome and also motivate learners to have a deeper understanding of the concept taught.
Tassie, a curriculum development specialist resides in Port Harcourt.
Focus
#END Bad Governance: He Spoke Peace Tense, Protesters Understood!
Compact with meekness. Compassionate. Empathetic. Never of him to trample under foot, humans and their concerns. He listens; attentively. He shows genuine understanding; with humbling humility. So, he is endeared, not just to a few but to many.
And truly so, Governor Siminalayi Fubara is a political liberator. In him, Rivers State has a championing, new order, albeit, movement of renaissance: Berthing the people at a new coast of fresh breathe; freed from political manipulations, strangulation and enslavement. This is why ‘Rivers First’; call it a mantra, is not a mere catchy phrase, but a propelling commitment, and indeed, a reflection of the embodied resolve to work the better for Rivers State.
Here, the nationwide #EndBadGovernance street protest also took place, peacefully.
Nigerian youths planned and staged it to last 10 days, from August 1 to 10, 2024. And it was so, even if it fizzled out so quickly, lost steam so early in the State – did not last beyond four days. The intervention of Governor Fubara through his strategic crisis management approach anchored on more inclusive engagements, obviously assuaged frayed nerves.
The organisers tagged it #EndBadGovernance protest. It was their chosen channel. With it, they voiced their pains amidst economic challenges: Of heightened hunger, soaring cost of commodities and unbearable living conditions. They looked to President Bola Tinubu-led Federal Government to be more strategic. And he is doing so, nonetheless. More and more time is but solicited to see his policies being implemented, come through, under the Renewed Hope Agenda, in driving the national economy out of the woods.
Much more in that regard is known of Rivers State, several cushioning measures are being implemented to address the burden of excruciating economic realities on the people. Which is why Governor Fubara spoke up against the protest early enough. His position was firm. It was without a mincing of words, to the youths and to any other segment of the society. He made it clear that though, it is their fundamental right, the time they chose to stage the protest, is not right. This remained his counsel. The backdrop was to forestall a truncating of the prevailing but cherished sanity, peace and safety of lives and property that thrive here.
Street protests, unguarded, and when allowed to be hijacked, could bring tales of woes, such as the destruction of public facilities and personal property that took many years to bring to fruition. He insisted that if it must be staged, then ensure, nothing hampered the safety of lives and property. Just keep it peaceful: Give no room to political detractors. That reflected the message of Governor Fubara.
But political detractors always lurk around. If they are unable to hijack a thing, they become dramatis personae of what they conjecture. In fact, the hue and cry, baseless and meaningless hypes made by the then embattled Caretaker Committee Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Tony Okocha in Rivers State, is a characteristic decoy. Mischief is central in his chosen political macabre dance. Otherwise, why dramatise a staged attack on APC billboard in front of its factional secretariat along the Port Harcourt-Aba Expressway in order to put himself in a position to curry public pity, by playing the victim. So cheap. Sorely despicable. What was he thinking? That people around will not notice the drama play out? Even security details who monitored the protesters from Artillery to Pleasure Park never raised any red flag on their conduct around any property within that circumference!
You see, his kind, at such opportunity, raise false alarm without solid evidence to substantiate the veracity of the claimed attack at the weakest police interview. At best, what the public knows is calculated acts, wherein his hired folks, at his instruction, torn down the flex section of the billboard, which was performed before sponsored camera lenses. Even the Police authorities had disowned the incident, insisting that no office of any political party was attacked in Rivers State during the days of the protest. Come to think of it, even the protesters who marched from Artillery Junction to Pleasure Park never took notice of his antics and playbook. In fact, credible reports abound that nobody’s property, not even a politician’s residence in the State was attacked by the protesters. It is on record!
Thus, largely so, the protest was not destructive in nature in the State. Why? Governor Fubara had stepped in proactively. He doused the tension and anger. He identified those strategic groups, maybe not all but those possible contacts, and affiliates to the organisers who were tipped, maybe to coordinate the street demonstration in Rivers State. Governor Fubara engaged with them as individuals and collective. The security reports were of leading nature. So, eventually, representatives of those groups of the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), stakeholders of National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), Rivers State ethnic and youth groups, Community Based Organisations (CBOs), Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Women Groups, Artisans and Traders, and the Ikoku Branch of Port Harcourt Motor Spare Parts Dealers Union, were brought together into one venue for dialogue; for mutual understanding of why the protest should not hold.
Heads of the security agencies in the State were also in attendance. At that meeting, held on July 31, 2024, Governor Fubara told them: “You are already aware of the political situation of our State, where people are looking for every avenue to destabilise this State. We don’t need to give them that opportunity to carry out that act. And that is the reason why, I, representing the Government, and the service commanders here, have always been in touch with you all, pleading that we should shelve this protest. And even if you have to do it, we should do it in a way and manner that it will not get out of control. I have information that you don’t have. I am aware of the people that are being hired to come into this State to cause mayhem. If anything happens here, we are going to be the greatest losers. Our property will be destroyed. Our economy will be destroyed. And when they finish, they will go back to their states.”
Those words were passionate. They resonated with the various groups amidst robust discussions. So, arising from that meeting at Government House in Port Harcourt, reason prevailed, positions aligned, and it was agreed that as groups, they will not participate in the protest.
In any case, some protesters still stormed the streets on August 1, in Rivers State. Not deterred, Governor Fubara went out and met with the group of protesters who stopped by at the gates of Government House. Standing amongst them unscathed, he addressed them, showing a glaring example of leadership: Courage. Acceptance. Endearment. Goodwill. He was the first so to do! Other elected representatives and political leaders had been overwhelmed by apprehension, and they unwittingly ran into hiding. But Governor Fubara showed his stuck as a leader when he made himself available to engage with the protesters, not done in a hurry, desperate impulse.
Because the moment was critical, he said: “I am one of you. I feel your pains, and in our Government here, we are doing everything to make life easy for our people. Our youths, I agree with you that there is hunger, but because we preach good governance, we are committed to make hunger disappear very soon. I am not against your protest, but we will not support any violent protest. We will not support anything that will destroy our State. We will not join forces with the enemy of progress (to destabilise our State). But if it has to do with the (peaceful) protesters, I don’t have any fears. Their demands are germane. I can understand them: hardship, bad governance, high cost of living, rent, medical bills. But we are coming from somewhere very bad. And we must start from somewhere to make things right,” he appealed.
With those words, his mien and presence, he inspired hope in them. He raised their downtrodden spirit to high heavens. It was organic. Surely, hope is enlivening. It strengthens the mind to trust in a blissful tomorrow. The protesters saw him as truer as a leader because he leaned his heart into the crisis, goodly too, to fully engage, motivate, and inspire them to expect greater accomplishments in the immediate or in the near future. It is this imbuing hope that kept the protesters peaceful, largely in the State.
And when a patch of the protesters saw his convoy pulled past Rumuobiakani Roundabout on the third day of the protest, they showed more excitement, cheered and chanted the praises of their most deserving people-centric Governor. The crowd of #EndBadGovernance protesters at the intersection of Trans Amadi Industrial Layout in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area waved Nigerian flag and green leaves while chanting: “Our Governor, carry go. Our Governor, we are solidly behind you and your government,” “We’ll support Governor that empowers the Youths”. The Governor came out of his car, waved back at them, and they cheered, their joy knowing no bounds. Thereafter, the Governor had easy passage as he continued his journey to attend the funeral ceremonies of late mother to the Chairman, Caretaker Committee of Khana Local Government Area in Kono Community.
At Kono on August 3, he took opportunity of the ambience to re-echo the need for peace. He urged the protesters to give government time to implement policies and programmes already designed and being rolled out to address the challenges facing the people. He asked for patience, understanding!
At Eleme on August 6, for the commissioning of the Pressure Swing Adsorption (PSA) Oxygen Plant built and installed by UNICEF in partnership with Federal Government, Rivers State Government, Canadian Government and HIS Towers, the Governor re-emphasised the primacy of peace and stability of the State as veritable tool for sustainable development. As he spoke peace and patience, the people cheered and chanted songs of support and cooperation.
Come to think of it: the Governor’s consistent emphasis on peaceful conduct of every resident of the State, and patience to allow the policies of government deepen their positive impacts on the people did not just resonate with the protesters alone. It also resonated with other well-meaning Nigerians both here at home and in the Diaspora, who were not part of the protest. It resonated with anchors and discussants, including lawyers, politicians, professionals from all walks of life, on major television and radio channels in the country and elsewhere. And it resonated with lawmakers across the country, including National Assembly.
In fact, the House of Representatives Technical Sub-Committee on Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND) said so on August 15 during an audience with the Governor in Government House, Port Harcourt. The sub-committee was in Rivers State to perform its oversight functions as mandated by law.
Speaking during the visit, the Chairman, Hon Miriam Odinaka Onuoha, commended the Governor for his wisdom and leadership in the effective management of the protest, by ensuring that while not denying residents their fundamental rights to peaceful assembly, procession and freedom of expression, he made sure that they exercised their rights in very peaceful manner without infringing on the rights of other Nigerians.
What to appreciate was that Governor Fubara did not speak politics to the protesters. He spoke to what they knew and had seen implemented by his administration. In meeting the expectations and challenges of Rivers residents as a measure embedded in his policies, he also showed them that he supports what the Federal Government is already doing. He reminded them that his Government was the first to release palliative buses, operating up until now, to ease transportation costs on students and all residents of the State, effective just few days after President Tinubu announced the removal of the subsidy on petroleum products.
Governor Fubara also reminded them that his Government was cushioning the increasing cost of living with the N4billion single-digit interest loan he floated for traders and small businesses in the State. It is a facility that is helping traders: mothers, fathers, and youths in the business line to grow their business capital base. These are added to the ongoing implementation of deliberately crafted policies and programmes that are ensuring the delivery of quality infrastructure in the health and education sectors to eventually provide affordable services to all residents in the State while also laying the groundwork that will make agriculture attractive to more people than usual in order to achieve food sufficiency and meaningful employment for the youths.
In all, it is indisputable that Rivers State is in good hands, and those who plotted to use the protests to cause anarchy and chaos, destroying critical State assets that had taken years to put in place, failed, even more woefully, this time.
Like the wise men keep saying, “God does not make mistakes”. The God we serve didn’t make any mistake when He choose Sir Siminalayi Fubara to govern the State and liberate its people from the clutches of desperate, self-seeking buccaneers, at this time in the life of Rivers State. Thus, as long as Rivers people come first in his calculations and decisions, Governor Fubara has come to stay, because he has the people’s back, always!
Nelson Chukwudi
Chukwudi is the Chief Press Secretary to the Rivers State Governor.
Focus
Re-Igniting Rivers Agricultural Stakes
Let us agree on this: prima facie, in many parts of the world, Nigeria and Rivers State inclusive, agriculture has not been maximally harnessed. This is so because, what we have seen happen in the sector has not contributed to fulfilling the vital function of feeding the people sufficiently. It has also not provided basic commodities as required, or helped desirably, in the generation of stable income too.
But this is not what it should be, neither should it be allowed to be so. This is why productive hands should not remain idle and germane efforts merely wished away when deliberate and consistently implemented policies can coordinate robust agricultural activities, necessarily so, to ensure support for human survival and promote enduring well-being. Perhaps, this is what sane leaders do in any society that plans to grow and also feed its people.
administration of Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State is in such ranking: forward-looking and mindful of those things to do, that can help real growth of all facets of the society, howbeit, agriculture. It has taken decisions on what must be done in order to increase attention for agriculture, and mobilising requisite resources that will support in refocusing the interest of majority of Rivers youths, and indeed, agro-actors, towards harnessing agriculture potentials in Rivers State.
Nigeria has, regrettably remained a consumption-dependent economy, and Rivers State is a part of this quagmire. The reason for this is clear: age-long, chronic and troubling lack of holistic attention to public policy implementation on a consistent basis to achieve sustained progress. But pulling off from such stance, the Governor Fubara-led administration is resolved to strengthen the comparative advantage of Rivers State in the agriculture value chain. It is a herculean task but not impossible because the potentials are glaring. So, there has been careful examination of what should be done, and how it should to be done to achieve an agricultural growth status that will make the State stand out.
To start, Governor Fubara has taken a critical look at the level of existing support previously offered by the State Government to promoting agriculture before he assumed office. Books may not lie, even when there could be disparities in what is recorded and what can be seen on ground. That, in itself, does offer a bearing. So, at least, what is clear is that such support was often driven by the quest to achieve economic development, promote key target interests, set out the prescriptions and requirements that would boost agricultural production.
With mind set on the mantra of “Consolidation and Continuity”, vital decisions are being taken, arising from those critical scrutinies, not necessarily to undermine what existed but to establish a path for continuity. With a policy direction that should stimulate commercial farming, and let it signpost the level of awareness that should be created in achieving food security in the State, there has been a determined posture secured without ineluctably falling to the trappings of incoherence and poor coordination most policy initiatives had suffered.
So, to have a holistic perspective for the required results that are expected, the decisions being taken took into cognizance: the need to identify support or collaborations where none existed, commence one, and gear up efforts in seeking requisite and workable collaborations to achieve success. In areas where such support did exist, but were incongruous, a review has been streamlined to give a new direction. Where there was abandonment of any process, a revitalization has been decided and production capacities of endeavours of agro-actors strengthened.
There is also a focus on small holder farmers because their concerns are in keen consideration of what the administration intends to do in the sector. These farmers belong to the brackets of small and medium enterprises that do need greater opportunities facilitated for their agribusinesses in other for them to access credit that would enable them expand their portfolio. More efforts are being harnessed with a search for an effective synergy within favourable environment to attract investors and financial institutions into funnelling credit to farming endeavours and the process of having an updated databank is being formalised. Regardless, the Rivers State Government has brokered partnership with the Bank of Industry (BOI) in the disbursement of N4billion to small scale entrepreneurs in the State. This is an initiative that should impact on the sector, nonetheless, if the beneficiaries were true to tact.
But of note is the review embarked upon by the government concerning its agricultural investment in the Songhai Integrated Farms. This farm is located in Bunu community, Tai Local Government Area of Rivers State. The Songhai Integrated Farms sits on a vast expanse of land measuring 314 hectares. Where it sits was, in 1985 established as part of the School-to-Land Farms project. But it was repurposed in 2011 to become Songhai Integrated Farms.
It had distinct production sections that included livestock production, crop cultivation, fisheries, forestry, engineering services, agro-industrialization, and the training of aspiring farmers. The farm started off with an environmentally-sustainable agricultural production system that harnessed a holistic value-chain approach to ensure higher incomes for farmers and processors, as well as other agro-actors to guarantee social and economic prosperity.
It was set up to operate a self-driven zero waste farming model designed to protect the natural environment by mitigating the impacts of climate change. So, each production section was made up of different units, overseen by specialists who work in synergy. Within the production line, nothing became discard-able waste since the finished products/byproducts were sent from one production unit to another in a sequential manner to further transform them into other useful products for human use. It was a continuous circle, and consistently so to promote sustainable economy.
Those features had been carefully enumerated to have a proper understanding of the venture that was to make Rivers economy bigger and more progressive. But either by commission or omission, it became lame because it was driven into despicable condition, or rather, because it was abandoned. Every facility became decrepit as a result. For almost a decade, it remained so, and nothing was operational there. The hope that once soared, about all the potentials and contributions it was to make towards food security, and to provide gainful employment for the teeming Rivers youths, died, albeit, for the time it was in limbo.
Also, laid in waste were all the structures, those that were constructed with concrete, metallic, or wooden, and others that were installed, over the ground and underground. Most office equipment were stolen too, and carted away by vandals. The entire premises of the Songhai Integrated Farms became overgrown with short and tall grasses. And it was dangerously bushy too.
Those were the sorry sight that Governor Fubara beheld when he visited the farm on Saturday, October 7, 2023. The billions of naira in Rivers tax-payers’ money that was invested in the Songhai Integrated Farms project by the State Government went down the drains. So, the visit availed Governor Fubara the opportunity to do an on-the-spot assessment of the present condition of the farm, and ascertain what possible ways to bring it back to production stream again. On that visit, the Governor was conducted round the facility by the Manager of the Songhai Integrated Farms Project, Dr. Tammy Jaja. The revitalisation works to be done looked massive and very demanding but nothing is insoluble with political will, wisdom and courage.
In his explanation, Governor Fubara asserted the urgency that is required in restoring and repositioning the State for sustainable economic growth and development. With his visit, arising from the resolution reached when they last had the National Economic Council (NEC) meeting in Abuja, where they had considered the exigency of diversifying the nation’s economy and harped on the need to cushion current economic hardship experienced by the citizenry, he was determined to kickstart the version for the State. In his words, Governor Fubara said: “In our last National Economic Council meeting, because of the present situation of our economy, which you are aware; the issue of removal of fuel subsidy and other economic bites affecting everyone, everybody was advised to diversify. The other option is agriculture, and we were all advised to see what we can do to improve on food sufficiency.”
The Governor had assured that his Administration was determined to use the Songhai Integrated Farms as a launching pad to revolutionise agriculture in Rivers State. To achieve that, everything would be done to revamp the Songhai Farms. And when revitalized, the economy of the State could then be diversified, providing foundation for the people to be engaged meaningfully while also increasing the food sufficiency capacity of the State.
Governor Fubara assured: “As I leave here now, we are going to bring in all the stakeholders to discuss the way forward. What I am seeing here will require long-term planning and going back to the site to reinstate the installed facilities that have become desolate. The State Government will not just do that, we will bring in people who have the resources, expertise, strength and commitment to partner with us to bring back this place to life. The advantages to be derived when this place comes back to life include food sufficiency and employment generation. It will also address issues of youth restiveness.”
That process has begun. The people who had been identified to have the strength and commitment to partner the State Government were already in touch, and brought to the negotiation table. The talking has been extensive and intensive. The best among them with more enduring approach and sustainable model are at the verge of being engaged. Songhai Integrated Farms must be revitalized. That is the commitment and it remains unwavering.
While the discussions were ongoing, the farm has been repossessed by the Government. It would no longer be accessed freely as thorough fare to members of the public as it was in the days of abandonment. Gradually, the clearing of the short and tall grasses and trees are ongoing, and would be concluded, eventually. What shall be done with that project would be devoid of a lack of clarity and the adopted plan, nothing of abrupt disruption is anticipated. For this farm, the level of independence with which it would operate would be such that it could remain dogged, contest its place within the sector and drive food sufficiency process at a pace more sustaining and enviable for the State.
Another investment that is of critical concern to the Government is the 45,000-metric tonnes Rivers Cassava Processing Company, which is located in Afam Community, Oyigbo Local Government Area. This is a multi-billion-naira investment that was engineered as a public-private partnership (PPP) venture between the Rivers State Government, Shell, Vieux Manioc BV of the Netherlands, and the Netherlands Embassy. Understandably, the motivation for establishing this processing factory was to address the challenges of value addition of the cassava crop in the value chain sub-sector. So, the factory was inaugurated on May 28, 2021, as a company that will support the economy of Rivers State to earn more revenue from the cassava value chain. The company then had a board of directors in place, which helped in the preliminary stages of preparations leading to its inauguration. But barely within the first two months of start of production, the subsisting administration then dissolved the board, which left the company without adequate supervision to help it actualize its core mandate.
Things remained so until March 7, 2024, when Governor Fubara visited the factory. The visit, the Governor explained, was propelled by the desire to see the level of effectiveness and efficiency of the existing production line. He explained that the team managing the factory, led by the Managing Director of the Rivers Cassava Processing Plant, Ruben Giesen, had requested financial support, in a letter sent to him. This, the team said, would enable them complete two more production lines at the factory to increase capacity utilisation in order to churn out more products.
Governor Fubara said: “I got a request from the people who are managing the cassava processing plant that we need to extend our support for them to complete two production lines that will give them a standard that they can start to supply in earnest to a lot of distributors who need the products from this plant. And I felt it would be proper for me to see what we have already invested, the stage they are at, so that it will encourage us to give more support.”
Governor Fubara further said: “From what I have seen here today, it is really impressive. I can assure them that we are going to give the financial support to ensure that the production lines are all completed. This is to encourage them to go into full supply of the products with international standards to anywhere in the world.”
The promise given by Governor Fubara to inject more funds is with the aim of revitalising this mega cassava processing factory in order to ensure that the finished products meet internationally accepted standards. Of course, these are well intended responses, and the drive is to ensure an increase in quantum of food production capability and attain the level of sufficiency while also creating gainful employment for the growing youthful population of the State.
It is obvious that the Governor Fubara-led administration clearly understands that Nigeria is the largest cassava producer at the global level. It is on record, that Nigeria accounts for about one-fifth (20%) of total cassava production worldwide. Indeed, Rivers ranked among the Top Five Cassava Producing States in Nigeria. It is, therefore, of necessity and thoughtful of a Government that cares for its farmers, to keep keen interest on this factory, and ensure that it is supported to enhance value addition, and guarantee employment for the people.
In fact, Governor Fubara knows that this factory would also promote adoption and the use of 10 per cent high quality cassava flour (HQCF) in bread and confectionery businesses, so as to reduce wheat importation and conserve foreign exchange earnings to meet other needs. Indeed, cassava is one of the defining ingredients of our family lives in this region, and it is a valued crop in Niger Delta and in other parts of Nigeria. So, this factory, with the promised support from the Governor Fubara-led administration, will attain full operational status. This will further be propelled by feedstock from about 3,000 farmers within the farming communities and other far away farmers in neighbouring communities.
What the people need to understand is that, as long as this factory’s capacity is not fully strengthened, it will be difficult for it to receive uninterrupted supply of raw materials from the thousands of hectares that could be cultivated to service it. By extension, this means massive waste of hundreds of jobs its prospect assures, particularly the over 20,000 farm families that will earn income to enhance their livelihoods and improve their standard of living.
Even as the threat to food security continues to alarm watchers in Nigeria with food inflation rate rising from 33.93% in December, 2023 to 35.41% in January, 2024, and not yet abating, these efforts of the Rivers State Government are to ensure that people do not spend more money before they can afford enough food for themselves and their families. Instructively, if there is no change in focus and the required actions are taken, guided by well-thought-out policy and implemented with the right political will, the threat to acute food security will be reversed.
It is possible that at the end of the day, these measures geared towards building sustainable food systems will feed everyone, everywhere, and every day. The cry of hunger is loud and palpably so. And Governor Fubara understands that only a focused attention on finding enduring solutions through strategic investments in boosting agricultural yields and increasing its value chain would address the needs of the people. This is why the Government sees the initiatives as a task that must be done. The Governor’s eyes will remain on the ball, until desired results are achieved with maximum impact. That is a promise he made to the people, a SIMple promise he has vowed to fulfil without fear of intimidation or favour.
By: Nelson Chukwudi