Opinion
Nigeria: Revisiting The Restructuring Issue
Nigeria, the “Giant of Africa,” faces persistent challenges stemming from its complex political and economic landscape. Among the numerous issues plaguing the nation, the call for restructuring has remained a point for debate and agitation amongst Nigerians for years. It is paramount to study Nigeria’s restructuring debate and fiasco, examine its systemic weaknesses, the failure of centralised governance, and the implications for development, poverty alleviation, and corruption, notwithstanding, it is often believed that restructuring might remain a far-fetched dream for Nigerians. The governance structure in Nigeria has been under criticism for their ineffectiveness in addressing the country’s challenges over the years. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, Nigeria consistently ranks poorly, reflecting the deeply rooted nature of corruption that has plagued the country’s institutions since independence. The centralised model of governance, which was inherited from the colonials, continues to enable corruption by concentrating power and resources in the hands of a few, thereby facilitating rent-seeking behaviour and patronage networks.
This centralised governance can be said to be hindering developmental efforts, as decisions made at the federal level often fail to account for the diverse needs and priorities of Nigeria’s heterogeneous population. For instance in 2019, the World Bank estimated that by 2040, Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit would amount to approximately $878 billion, with high to zero similarities between urban and rural areas. The lack of localised decision-making highlights these disparities, leading to neglect of critical infrastructural projects in marginalised communities. Moreover, without restructuring, Nigeria’s centralised governance system will continue to be poverty and hunger-stricken, particularly, in rural areas where access to basic services and economic opportunities are limited. A World Bank report states that Nigeria’s poverty rate stood at 40.1 per cent in 2019, rising to 49 per cent in 2023, with rural areas experiencing higher poverty rates compared to urban centres which have stifled grassroots development initiatives, promoting cycles of poverty and underdevelopment. I have been studying the decentralised system of governance used in countries like the United Kingdom and the United States, which empowers local authorities to address community-specific challenges and allocate resources based on local needs. Similarly, in the US, states have considerable authority over matters such as taxation, law enforcement, security, and infrastructure development, resulting in tailored policy responses that reflect the diverse needs of local communities.
Another obstacle that constantly arouses the need for restructuring is Nigeria’s centralised policing model, which is overseen by the central government. This has remained a subject of considerable critique due to its inefficiencies and susceptibility to political interference. Corroborating this, Dr. Ifeanyi Onyeonoru, , a specialist in governance and security studies, opined that Nigeria’s centralised policing system has contributed to a lack of responsiveness to local security concerns and a failure to effectively combat crime all around the country. Furthermore, statistics from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reveal that crime rate in Nigeria remains alarmingly high, with constant incidents of robbery, kidnapping, banditry, and cybercrime, persisting across various regions. Many agree that the use of centralised police force hampers efforts to address Nigeria’s security challenges in a timely and localised manner. Agreeing with the above, Onyeonoru notes that this centralised control of the security architecture often leads to bureaucratic red-tape and delayed responses to emerging security threats, further exacerbating feelings of insecurity among citizens.
A policy analyst, Dr. Chukwudi Enekwechi, stressed the detrimental effects of this centralised approach on Nigeria’s road infrastructure. Enekwechi argued that the lack of decentralisation in road maintenance perpetuates disparities in infrastructure quality, with rural areas often bearing the brunt of neglect. This is seen in data from the Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA) further corroborating these irregularities, revealing the effect of centralisation in infrastructure between urban and rural areas.
Enekwechi postulated the urgent need for decentralised decision-making in infrastructure management, stating that it is more viable for local authorities to prioritise projects based on local needs and realities, without relying on the state or federal government.
Nigeria’s tax system and fiscal centralisation represent significant barriers to equitable development and governance. According to data from the World Bank, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio stands at a mere 6 per cent, significantly lower than the global average of 15 per cent, indicating a shortfall in revenue mobilisation efforts. This tax revenue is further worsened by the country’s reliance on oil revenues, which are susceptible to fluctuations in global oil prices.
Uche Uwaleke, a public affairs analyst, highlights the detrimental effects of Nigeria’s centralised tax system on local governments’ autonomy and capacity for development. He states that while the federal and state governments collect the bulk of taxes, local councils are left with limited revenue sources, often dependent on federal allocations for survival. This centralisation marginalises local governments, depriving them of the resources needed to address critical infrastructure needs, healthcare services, and educational initiatives at the grassroots level.
Moreover, Nigeria’s tax system has been criticised for its complexity and lack of transparency, worsening compliance challenges and hindering revenue generation efforts. According to the Nigeria Economic Summit Group (NESG), the multiplicity of taxes at the federal, state, and local levels, coupled with inconsistent enforcement mechanisms, creates an environment ripe for tax evasion and informal economic activities.
Restructuring Nigeria’s governance framework is of utmost importance in addressing the root causes of fiscal centralisation and to empower local governments by granting it autonomy. Socio-political groups like Afenifere, Ohaneze, and the Middle Belt Forum have been seen clamouring for restructuring, emphasising the need to devolve power to the grassroots level and foster inclusive governance. Infact, in 2014, in a National Conference by the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan, a platform for dialogue and deliberation on restructuring was provided, resulting in comprehensive recommendations for reform.
Even with the clamour, call and apparent need for restructuring, the actualisation of this dream remained far-fetched as it was met with political resistance, particularly from Northern elites who perceive decentralisation efforts as a threat to their entrenched interests. This can be seen in the defeat of Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 presidential election, a well-crafted move orchestrated in part by Northern voting blocs, which stressed the challenges of effectuating substantive governance reform in Nigeria. President Muhammadu Buhari’s dismissal of the 2014 National Conference report further reflects the reluctance of the Northern political elite to embrace restructuring, but rather continued disagreements between the North and South make it hard to move forward and create fair rules for everyone.
However, the path to restructuring is laced with political obstacles and interests, highlighting the need for combined efforts to overcome resistance and implement meaningful reform. As Nigeria grapples with issues of corruption, underdevelopment, and political instability, the need for restructuring becomes increasingly urgent.
In essence, the discussion surrounding restructuring reflects Nigeria’s deep-seated political and socio-economic divides, highlighting the complexities important in effective governance reform.
While the road ahead may be filled with challenges, the need for change remains clear. Only through collective action and unwavering commitment to inclusive governance can Nigeria realise its potential as a truly democratic and prosperous nation.
Adeleye, a communication-for-development expert, writes in from London, United Kingdom, via maxwelladeleye@gmail.com
By: Maxwell A. Adeleye
In a calculated attempt to tarnish the reputation of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Lere Olayinka, the self-styled Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and Social Media to FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, stormed News Central TV with a cocktail of lies, half-truths and unfortunate distortions. This desperate smear campaign demands a bold response to expose the true mastermind behind the political turbulence rocking Rivers State. Olayinka harped on the current situation of the Rivers State House of Assembly, highlighting the presence of only three (3) active members. Yet, he conveniently glossed over the real story of Martin Amaewhule and his co-defectors who cowardly abandoned their constituencies and their mandates by defecting to the APC without due consultation. These former legislators, by law, automatically vacated their seats, but Olayinka lacks the courage to admit this truth.
When asked about Wike’s involvement in Rivers State’s political turmoil, Olayinka could not deny the undeniable. Wike is not only a major player in this crisis but also its architect. His meddlesome tendencies and attempts to control the state from Abuja have been met with stiff resistance from Rivers people who are fed-up with his overreach. Olayinka’s claim that Wike elevated Governor Fubara from “a mere cashier” to governor reeks of pettiness. It is an insult to Fubara’s track record of service and to the Rivers people who overwhelmingly voted for him. The truth is, Governor Fubara was instrumental to any success Wike claims during his time as governor, especially in financial prudence and project execution, Olayinka can challenge me to a debate if in doubt. Mr. Olayinka falsely accused Governor Fubara of disobeying President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
The irony, however, is glaring. The real defiance came from those who President Tinubu called his “newborn babies,” only to disown him days later. Aside the impeachment attempt, Wike’s ill-advised push for these individuals to defect to the APC is at the root of the political mess they currently face. Olayinka’s admission that Fubara is the governor and wields the “red biro” underscores one truth: Governor Siminalayi Fubara is in Charge. While his employer may attempt to pull the strings of discord, Rivers people have declared unequivocally that the era of external interference is over. Sir Fubara is taking bold steps to restore dignity and prioritise the state’s interests. Also, Olayinka’s attempt to draw parallels between Rivers State and Kogi State only highlights his lack of understanding of Rivers politics. Rivers people are not Kogi people.
They will not accept a situation where commissioners or key appointments are dictated from only one man, as Wike attempted to do. Rivers people have spoken, and their stance is non-negotiable. Olayinka’s laughable claim that Governor Fubara is dining with those who opposed his emergence shows a lack of political depth. Almost everyone standing with Wike today—including Magnus Abe and Chidi Lloyd—at one time opposed his own governorship bid. Politics evolves and alliances shift. Governor Fubara is focused on governance, not on petty vendettas. Assuming, without conceding, that Governor Fubara did not address Rivers people during the campaign, the blame lies squarely on Wike, who perhaps never allowed him to speak. He almost succeeded in extending this overbearing tendencies into the governance of the state, but Rivers people are saying “No” to this meddlesome interference.
The glaring contradictions in Olayinka’s rhetoric can tell you why Fayose failed woefully in Ekiti State despite all his noise. Just like his principal, Olayinka has mastered the art of bluster without substance. When pressed on what Wike wants from Governor Fubara that he is not getting, Olayinka could not provide an answer. The truth is simple: Wike desires absolute control, but Governor Fubara and Rivers people have drawn the line. Olayinka’s interview on News Central TV was nothing but a desperate attempt to deflect attention from Wike’s political blunders and meddlesome tendencies. The records are clear: Governor Fubara is focused on the interests of Rivers people, while Wike and his cronies remain trapped in a web of personal ambition. The good news is that Rivers people know the truth. Governor Fubara is acting decisively and Rivers State is moving forward under his leadership. No amount of propaganda or falsehoods can change this fact.
John Martins
Martins wrote in from Port Harcourt.
Men and women of goodwill are celebrating remarkable milestones in the life of Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara. He turned 50 on January 28, 2025. His unwavering dedication, focus on excellence, effective advocacy beyond a single-focus “magic bullet” to governance with integrated approach that recognises multiple interrelated drivers of governance change, truly inspire the people. Rivers State is the second largest economy in Nigeria. It is hub of oil and the gas industry, and remains a major contributor to the country’s wealth. It is over such strong, powerful and strategical state, Governor Fubara superintends. At 50 years, he is gold sparkles and in a season of exhilarating jubilee. In 2024, his administration hosted investment summits. Manifest results now show inflow of multiplicity of foreign investments. Strategic partnership festers and the growth of Rivers economy is sustained. Investors enjoy tax moratoriums and land title issuance.
Jollification drumbeats are intense. Fulsome sound. Overreached with symphonic echoes. Scintillated strumming. The strings. Stroke of dexterity and bellowing melody, all so enthralling. Whether in Rivers or elsewhere in Nigeria, you will wriggle waists, do joyful handclaps or leap with hope-filled heart. Feet will do the hopping. There is comforting peace. The glean. A bland. Emphatically, Rivers people bare their hearts of gratitude to God. He enthroned Governor Fubara at at an auspicious time. The people are better off today than ever. The brutish political crisis erupted like a thief at night but was hushed by a watchful watchman. Because it is contained, the people are happier. More 3,066 persons got empowered with N3.6 billion loan facility on a single-digit interest rate of 7.5per cent per annum. It was made possible by a partnership between Rivers government and Bank of Industry (BOI). It offers support to small businesses, drives economic growth, promotes job creation and wealth generation efforts. Ultimately, it is to improve the standard of living of the citizens.
Happier citizenry. Civil and public servants got statutory promotion with consequential salary paid after being stagnated on a grade level for over a decade. In December 2023 and 2024, Christmas bonuses of N100,000 apiece, was paid to each worker, a gesture also extended to retirees. Governor Fubara is a leader with a pure human and godly heart. He had not confronted political violence with violence. No shade of political witch-hunting. No arrest on trumped-up charges. No politically motivated assassinations witnessed. The most insulted by political opponents. His reliance on God is legendary in a wild field of conscienceless political maneuverings, spewing of contradictory lies, threaded thickets of threats, mounted conspiracies to truncate governance and levels of insistence to cause stampede that intend to force a surrendering of the will of the people. All, came to nought. They have become like the mountains before Zerubbabel melting into wax.
What is seen is not indentured servitude. Governor Fubara stands in the gates firmly, defusing violet plots against the mandate of Rivers people. Steadied governance, ensured protection of life and property in a peaceful State. There is messianic balm, sufficiently applied to offer a soothing to frightened hearts, and calmed troubled nerves. Of course, nobody with a decent grasp of the complexity and deep-rooted nature of the crisis will believe that it will be resolved so easily. But you will need to know this also. Governor Fubara was born on a Tuesday in Opobo Town and bears unique traits of people born on Tuesday. Of note is his persistence on chosen course, strives with conviction and wholeheartedly drives on until desirable success is achieved. He is solidly courageous, shares no tent with fear because he must take the risks required to reaching his goals, which is why he faces the challenges head-on.
He is calm though, but makes no mistake about his dogged fighting spirit, calculative and straightforward spirit that wins squarely, and fairly. Four critical priority areas are at focus; healthcare, education, agriculture and road infrastructure development. He must win too, in truly empowering the people to attain quality living. In improving public sector education, the investment is holistic, almost equal attention given to basic education, post-primary education and tertiary education. Personnel, not less than 1000 apiece, are employed into universal basic education and post-primary levels. Staff recruitment done at Ignatius Ajuru University of Education and at Captain Elechi Amadi Polytechnic. A new Rivers State College of Education is in the offing plus 3000 more teachers to be recruited to improve the teacher: learners’ ratio.
Modern learning infrastructure and essential instructional materials are distributed to nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools in the 23 local government areas, which included Teachers’ notebooks, smart-board pens, dusters and marker pens, writing pens, textbooks covering all subjects, Phonetics textbooks, varieties of storybooks, records and diaries for junior secondary schools, school attendance registers. The health sector has received historic investments. 25 general hospitals have capacity strengthened to provide regular, quality healthcare. More health facilities like four zonal hospitals in Bori, Ahoada, Degema, and Omoku towns in four local government areas being remodelled, expanded and upgraded. A modern psychiatric hospital is nearing completion and will be equipped to provide dedicated neuro-psychiatric services. Already, 1,000 personnel are employed by the Rivers State Health Management Board while another 1,000 are engaged by the Rivers State University Teaching Hospital (RSUTH). This will bridge manpower gap.
There is a comprehensive agriculture transformation support programme pursued with the N31 billion allocated in 2025 budget to achieve food security, enhance job creation and facilitate economic growth. Some legacy road projects included the 15.6 km Port Harcourt Ring road and 12.5km Trans-Kalabari Highway Road. These critical infrastructure consolidate development efforts. Truly, at 50, Governor Fubara will have moments for deep reflection and be genuinely propelled to express gratitude to God for divine benevolence. He stands between dreams and aspirations, some achieved, others yet pursued. What is more, in these 50 years, he has given it his all, and still eager to grasp opportunities to live to fullest while delivering more quality service to the state, country and humanity.
Tamunobarabi Ibulubo
Ibulubo is of the Rivers State Television (RSTV), Port Harcourt.
In mid October, 2024, our national electricity grid suffered three collapses just within a week, throwing many states of Nigeria in total blackouts. Right from independence, Nigeria has always set agendas for attaining steady electricity, but ends up failing to achieve that noble objective. The perennial challenge of providing reliable electricity across Nigeria is however no puzzle beyond humans, yet the sector remains backward, notwithstanding series of reforms and public expenditures. But at the centre of the failures from all past reforms, is a common factor – the reluctance by government, whether deliberate or inadvertent, to extricate itself from the operational lines of the business. The presence of Nigerian government in any business process, especially where it monopolistically occupies vital operational linkage, has proven to create bottlenecks that stifle efficiencies, and defeat the overall objectives.
This was evident in the telecommunications sector, as it is in the petroleum and power sectors. Take for instance, the current policy framework that overshadowes electricity business across Nigeria, where in the name of privatisation, government deliberately butchered off, and separately sold vital organs of the national electricity industry, in an arrangement where the generating companies (GenCos) do not have licences to transmit and distribute generated power, and distribution companies (DisCos) have no licences to produce the sole commodity they sell, while the federal government through the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), monopolistically retains transmission trades between GenCos and DisCos.The insertion of TCN between the private businesses of power generation and distribution, destroys benefits derivable from privatising electricity productions in Nigeria.
With the GenCos and DisCos answerable to the separate managements while the TCN reports to the Federal Ministry of Power, Works and Housing, it is obvious that the unbreakable chain of commands needed for seamless business operations was designed for disarray. Besides, government also solely holds the stakes in gas supplies needed for much of Nigeria’s 16,384 MegaWatts installed capacity. Due to inadequacy of gas supplies, the GenCos produce about 8,415MW, out of which, due to TCN’s inefficiency, only about 4,000MW get to DisCos. However, among the three loosely bound entities in Nigeria’s unholy marriage of electricity production, the GenCos appear more upbeat at investing for increased capacity but are dragged by delivery challenges from the TCN on the one hand, and poor revenue returns from the DisCos, on the other.
The failure of TCN to deploy modern surveillance and field data acquisition technologies to maintain network reliability, has left its facilities prone to vandalism. It does not encourage GenCos who take the major production risks that they can not deal directly with consumers. In the prevailing situation in which DisCos, being closest to power consumers harvest the collective revenue, the opaque nature of that crucial assignment as currently being conducted, gives room for under-reporting.The electricity business like any other, should project transparent prospects of profits to inspire undertakings in investment risks, and it is only operational frameworks that assure investors of end-to-end process integrity that can encourage the deployment of total commitments. Discos’ obvious reluctance at metering, nor upgrading distribution facilities for efficiency, gives no incentives to GenCos to increase investments in power generation.
It does not also help that TCN’s Market Operations (MO) department passes revenue trickles from DisCos, unto GenCos without enforcing collection transparency on the former. Most of Nigeria’s electricity transmission network infrastructure were installed more than 50 years ago. Since inheriting the transmission assets in the 2005 privatisation, and further restructuring in 2013, TCN’s Transmission Service Provider (TSP) department which is responsible for grid construction and maintenance has not done much to expand network capacity in readiness for increased generation. Neither has its System Operations (SO) department, responsible for stabilising operations, upgraded its frequency management and switching capabilities, but still relies on manual switching instead of investing in Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) systems that respond swiftly to changing grid frequencies.
It was not surprising therefore that a usual process fluctuation that came from uploading increased power generation into the national grid had overwhelmed SO’s manual switching capability, leading to the grid collapse of October, although Minster of Power alluded to the fact that the inability of TCN’s aged infrastructure to absorb extra power caused explosions at Jebba sub-station, leading to instabilities that collapsed the grid. Which ever be the case, the buck stops at the TCN, and by extension at government. One may then question the benefits derivable from contracts signed by the Buhari administration with Siemens of Germany in 2019. System automation is undeniably the core expertise of Siemens, and the deployment of the company’s switches would have handled grid fluctuations to prevent any collapse. Despite the huge budget allocations that go into the ministry of power, it is obvious that government processes – encumbered by bureaucracy, politics, paucity of funds and lack of business savvy – is entangling TCN’s abilities at keeping pace with its private partners.
So why should government create such a clog in the wheels of progress? Moreso, it has never been known that government declared financial profits from its years of investments in the power sector, nor are the social benefits apparent. Rather than hold unto an asset that continuously drains scarce finances at no benefits, while creating bottlenecks to processes, government should completely hands-off the industry, focus on its regulatory roles, and draw tax accruals. According to estimates by the World Bank, the failure of reliable power supplies in Nigeria costs yearly losses of $29 billion to companies who had to produce their own power, and is a major reason most companies close down in the country, or have migrated elsewhere, despite our human resource potentials and Nigeria being a huge market. The current Nigeria Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) structure, in which government-owned TCN is sandwiched between disunited GenCos and DisCos, is causing conflict of interests, unsustainable and ensures a tie of stagnation.
The electricity production framework should be restructured, even if it means partitioning the national grid, into a form that gives power companies combined and seamless abilities to generate, transmit and distribute power directly to their consumers, as being experimented by the Geometric Group in Aba.
Joseph Nwankwor